120,000 displaced Albanians are at risk of death “The transportation of the displaced has slowed down considerably, and placing them in tents is proceeding very slowly,” local authorities say. Now, in [?] the displaced in Kukës have the possibility of sleeping in tents and being covered with blankets, while around 120,000 others are outside without shelter, and bread is being distributed to them from the air. ON PAGE 5

Interview from Prishtina with Adnan Merovci, personal bodyguard of the President of Kosovo ON PAGE 2

Astrit Patozi Two weeks after NATO’s intensive bombing began, Belgrade showed the first signs of retreat, while the allies confirmed that they would carry the battle on every front, despite warnings from Milosheviçi. The countries consider the war won only after a peaceful surrender and a ceasefire in Kosovo. NATO rejected the Yugoslav offer to withdraw from the war and lift sanctions against Milosheviç’s regime. The actions of the Serbian dictator reveal the destructive effect of the strikes on his rule. The allies stated firmly that there would be no ceasefire until Serbia withdrew its forces from Kosovo and a NATO mission was deployed there to ensure the return and lasting peace of the Albanians forcibly displaced. The Serbian proposal appears to be the desperate regime in Belgrade’s final tactic, as it can no longer hide the severe damage inflicted by NATO’s bombing. By adopting the posture of one willing to withdraw, Milosheviçi hoped to provoke disagreements among NATO member states, some of which had expressed reservations about attacks on Serbia. But nothing of the sort happened, and the North Atlantic Alliance appeared more united and determined than ever, as the bombing reached its highest intensity since the attacks on Yugoslavia began. But while NATO’s resolve to bring Milosheviçi to his knees should be seen as an encouragement to Albanians driven from their homes, who have endured all kinds of Serbian barbarities at the hands of their tormentors, the latest balance of the war brought bad news. Kosovo remains the worst affected. Despite the high effectiveness of the allies’ bombing of Serbia and the destruction of a large number of its military facilities, most of Milosheviç’s war [?] must be made clear: the victimization of Albanians has reached unimaginable levels. This unfolding humanitarian catastrophe, involving nearly a million displaced people on the borders of Albania, Macedonia, and Montenegro, is incomparable with the tens of millions, even hundreds of thousands [?], of Serbs in the former Yugoslavia. In the face of their immense tragedy, which has shaken the world for about two weeks, the destruction of buildings in Belgrade or Novi Sad seems like little more than a caress. The stark contrast between the wounds suffered in recent days by the Albanians of Kosovo and Serbia as a result of NATO’s bombing is also reflected in Milosheviç’s offer of a ceasefire. According to Serbian calculations, Belgrade would agree to spare history [?] by suddenly proposing, at the very last moment, to end the war. Milosheviçi would immediately have become a [?] of war if he had been forgiven for his atrocities against the Albanians and the children of Kosovo. By stopping only when it had already caused destruction [?], the Belgrade regime showed the whole world that this power is its sole aim. Therefore, Milosheviç’s proposal, which is nothing more than the same deception by Belgrade, should be understood by NATO as an appeal to press on towards successfully concluding the war, since any delay would not stop anything for Milosheviçi, but would mean more suffering for the Albanians he drove out, who face death every day. In this dead-end hope that Belgrade might stop the weapons that mark the hour of its inevitable defeat, the plan is quite clear: Milosheviçi seeks [?] to strike at the real political representatives of the Albanians of Kosovo, whom he has considered and continues to consider enemies of his political survival in the south. Fortunately, the decision to reject [?] all the schemes of the special warfare waged by the Yugoslav secret service against President Rugova likewise exposes Milosheviçi’s plea to stop the war, as blood and flames engulf the towns and villages of Kosovo. Those who have sought to take advantage of the UDB’s disgusting [?] have been Tirana’s communists and a handful of Marxists, who are trying to appropriate the titanic struggle of the Albanians of Kosovo for independence. Instead of showing respect—or at least the courage of a man who remains in Prishtina while fear has driven others across the border from Kosovo, where they settled in Tirana’s luxury hotels—they tried to exploit Rugova’s tactics in order to push him off the political stage. Now that NATO has begun striking at Milosheviçi’s plans to exterminate the Albanians, those who rushed to call the country’s president a traitor and [?] him in the press are, to their [?], the losers. Therefore the allies’ bombs on Milosheviçi’s weapons are also aimed at those who, in one way or another, tried to undermine the Albanians’ confidence in victory.

Adnand Merovci with President Rugova

President of Kosovo Ibrahim Rugova’s closest technical associate and security aide, in a telephone conversation yesterday, gave uncertain assurances about President Rugova’s physical condition and political activities. Adnan Merovci, chief of protocol to President Ibrahim Rugova, managed to contact the Albanian-language editorial office of Radio “Evropa e Lirë” by telephone. The phone, which had been silent for days, suddenly opened, and Merovci’s voice on the other end came as a surprise to the newsroom. “We were very interested in Rugova.” This was also the tense request made over the phone. “Rugova does not prefer to appear himself and make statements. He has authorized me to—(pause) things are like this—these are political matters—and I can communicate, that is, the circumstances of this situation here now.” These were Adnan Merovci’s first words, a seemingly confident voice, but with an intonation that changed suddenly, perhaps because of the eyes watching him in the room where the telephone is believed to be. “But we have heard that he has made statements,” “Evropa e Lirë” insisted. “No, no, he hasn’t made any statements, but don’t prolong this now because we don’t have the circumstances to continue.” Up to this point Merovci was sure the newsroom was not recording him. “If you’ve called me, you can talk; if you want, you can give [it]—call me later whenever you like.” His words were again uncertain and unclear.

The Mayor of Tirana denounces the government’s delay in distributing aid ON PAGE 7 Aid manager: There is no food, shelter, or transport Islami acknowledges the government crisis “Only 40% of the displaced have been accommodated; the others are on the streets” ON PAGE 5

The DP criticizes the way the government is distributing aid to displaced Kosovars Donors should deal directly with local government In Kukës, 100,000 people are suffering for lack of bread and medicine ON PAGE 3

The US and NATO reject the Serbian terrorists’ proposal for a ceasefire to preserve their power ON PAGE 2

Durrësi, Divjaka, Elbasani, and Tirana are at risk ON PAGE 2

If you wish to contribute money for the exhausted children of Kosovo, you may send your donation to account number 34220/00376 at “Dardania Bank” in the name of the association: “Children of Kosovo, our children”.

To help those displaced from Kosovo, the newspaper “Rilindja Demokratike” is making its pages available free of charge for various notices, such as requests and offers for accommodation, messages from people displaced from Kosovo to other members of their families, who may contact the editorial office or get in touch through the telephone numbers provided: 303 29 and 323 55. THE EDITORIAL OFFICE