10/07/1999
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Rilindja Demokratike

10 July 1999

Crime is encouraged by police commissioners

Appointee of Poci[t?] at the head of Korçë police, [re?]arms Kalashnikovs and bombs ON PAGE 4

Minister Buf[i?], bogeyman of the underworld

The Independent Miners’ Union publishes the file of abuses ON PAGE 5

Special Congress of the DP postponed

The Presidium of the Democratic Party informs all delegates and guests of its Special Congress that the previously announced date of the Congress is postponed until the end of next week, because, according to the report of the Group of Doctors, the improving health of the Chairman of the DP, Prof. Dr. Sali Berisha, makes it possible for him to participate at that time. The exact date of the Congress meeting will be announced.

Emigrants, hostages of Greek politics

The latest crackdown on Albanian emigrants in various towns and villages of Greece is orchestrated and serves specific purposes of Greek politics. It is carried out to shatter, as a myth, the pressure for various concessions by the Albanian government to Greek wishes, and also to encourage, on this occasion, elements of Albanian politics in the Greek retaliation. The visit of the Albanian Foreign Minister, Paskal Milo, is not without purpose either; he has more than once expressed support for Greek policies in Albania, or for deviations in Greek foreign policy toward the region. On this occasion, the cost of rehabilitating Milo in Tirana is equivalent to around 10,000 Albanian emigrants expelled from Greece, and to the tearing up of hundreds of documents at Greek customs posts—something the Mërmërët and Blacës of three months ago fail to understand. The pro-Serbian stance of Greek politics during the Kosovo conflict, and the political investment they made in one of Belgrade’s [???], which carried out ethnic cleansing in Kosovo, has created in Albania an opinion that goes far beyond Greek interests in Tirana. During the first days of NATO’s bombing of Serbia, the Albanian press called for relations with Athens to be reviewed, as well as for Greek participants in the privatization of strategic sectors to be excluded. Compared with the period before the Kosovo conflict and the period after it, Albanian-Greek relations now have a new reality, which stands several levels below what it was when Fatos Nano governed the country. Official Athens has begun its traditional show of force to punish these new realities, which in fact correspond exactly to our sincere perception of various segments of Greek politics toward the Albanian question and perhaps Albania itself. The long line of desperate people turned back by the Greek police, at the official crossing point in Athens, is a rebuke to a decision by Majko and, above all, to the prime minister, who, unlike his predecessor, seems to be under the justification of Athens itself, or at least is not sponsored by Athens. Some other emigrants say they were advised by the Greek police to call Majko, or that they were threatened, just as the Serbs in Kosovo threatened the UÇK. With the emigrant card, the Greeks aim to get back onto the lists for privatizing important Albanian enterprises, such as ÇSM, which they have been seeking for some time, or to take part in major infrastructure tenders. They also still envisage a powerful role for Tirana in its relations with the EU or other European organizations, a Greek “patent” for investments in Albania, and even Albanian approval of priorities for building roads and motorways linking Albania with the Japanese routes to Greece. But the return of Albanian emigrants from Greece may perhaps also be connected to the Socialists’ campaign for party chairman. From the first day of their return, every refugee is added to the list of people dissatisfied with the government, which also increases Majko’s cost of keeping the government in place while obtaining the political support of the Greek left to take the helm of the Socialist Party. Greece is also activating, on this occasion, Nano’s supporters in the party campaign—a campaign now being waged even by Greek taxi drivers at Athens airport. The Greek crackdown on Albanian emigrants is in no way connected to crime in Greece. According to data from the Greek state itself, crimes committed by Albanians are far less significant than crimes committed by Greeks themselves. Meanwhile, Greece itself should not allow that manoeuvre to be repeated in such a systematic way, with its prisons having supplied no small number of communist records in 197[?]. Since the summer of 1993, when the first case against Albanian emigrants was also brought, the motives have been political and deliberately tied to Greece’s political expansion in Albania.

Greece expels Albanians and opens its doors to Serbs

Albanian emigrants are separated from their families and gathered in stadiums and other centres, where they are mistreated “The conduct of the plainclothes police officers who arrested me at work, while I was plastering a house,” says Agim Muça from Ostreni i Vogël in Bulqizë, “was brutal. They broke my watch by knocking me against the work ladder. Then they forcibly dragged me into a small car. I told them at least to let me get my clothes and change, and take the money from my several thousand lekë in wages, but they wouldn’t let me. As you can see, I arrived covered in mortar and soot.” ON PAGE 3

Majko as prime minister, Nano at the head of the SP

In October, the former communists will convene their 13th congress. The KPD approves the decision of the Presidium. The former prime minister proposes a compromise to avoid the division of Enver Hoxha’s party Majko described the acceptance of the SP as a consultative member of the Socialist International as his success, but also as the result of Nano’s departure, since in Europe’s view he has been labelled a representative of the most criminal section of the former Albanian communists. He [e?] stated that the Socialists’ future in this organization depends on Nano and his clan leaving the leadership structures of the Socialist Party. ON PAGE 3

Berisha’s health is moving toward full recovery

Conclusion of the group of doctors treating the Chairman of the DP . The Group of Doctors treating the Chairman of the Democratic Party, Prof. Dr. Sali Berisha, announces that on the fifth day of the illness the following conclusions can be drawn: 1. The treatment and the response to it have completely overcome the infection and its consequences. 2. For the past 48 hours, Mr Berisha has had no fever and there has been a rapid and clear regression of the local and general symptoms of the infection. However, treatment will continue throughout next week.

Cynical stance of the Serbian opposition

Berisha reacts to the Serbian opposition, which is seeking protection for Milošević The Chairman of the DP, Prof. Dr. Sali Berisha, welcomes the US opposition to the absurd efforts of the Serbian opposition to find a country that would accept Milošević, Europe’s most barbaric criminal since the Second World War. With this request, the Serbian opposition demonstrates not only its weakness, but also that it has not reconsidered the Serbs’ attitude toward Albanians, and that the most affected by such positions is Serbia, which is being held accountable for the crimes committed by the Belgrade dictatorship. For Albanians, this is a cynical stance. If the Serbian opposition adhered to democratic values, it would help the West identify throughout Serbia all those who committed crimes against humanity and turned Kosovo into a land of mass graves.

Rugova: Yugoslavia no longer exists

“Le Monde”: Rugova soon in Prishtina “His objective, according to the newspaper, is to go and meet people at the international level, military figures and organizations, and Bernard Kouchner, who has just been appointed ‘UN civil administrator in the province,’ he specified. ‘I will meet everyone, including the UÇK, to learn what each one thinks. Everyone should take part in a life in which we must be very tolerant so as not to create conflicts. This has always been my position,’ Rugova added. ON PAGE 2

The coalition that created and plundered the pyramid schemes

For those who want to know who took the Albanians’ money ON PAGE 2 Bashkim Driza with Servet Pëllumbi and Idajet Beqiraj Bashkim Driza with Neritan Ceka and Perikli Teta Bashkim Driza with Servet Pëllumbi and Idajet Beqiraj. Bashkim Driza with Neritan Ceka and Perikli Teta

The government protects Azem Hajdari’s killers

Today, 297 days since the murder of the December Leader Every day that passes since the murder of Azem Hajdari, the symbol of democracy and pluralism, proves the involvement of Fatos Nano’s government and his successor in this grave crime. The former-communist government, born in this power, has sheltered the criminals who took the life of the December Leader; it shows Albanians that they have been and remain on the side of the killers, although they have assumed other names, but do not acknowledge any authority. Democracy and all Albanians who loved and stood by Azem Hajdari can never tolerate these facts. The government must either bring the criminals to justice once and for all, or publicly declare that it itself did not commit the murder of Azem Hajdari.

T-shirts bearing Azem Hajdari’s portrait in Skrapar

The legendary hero and tribune of Albanian nationalism inspires artistic works ON PAGE 2