Political orchestrations hasten the end of the DP's corrupt rule Fear of debate is fear of the truth FATOS NANO DECLARES TO THE PRESS: “The fact that the floor was not given to the chairman of the Socialist Party speaks of a total lack of democratic culture and of a parliament becoming fascistified, within a state with increasingly police-like characteristics.” STATEMENT BY PS CHAIRMAN FATOS NANO ON PARLIAMENT AND PUBLIC OPINION

OPINION My response, as a deputy, chairman of the Socialist Party and former prime minister for three months, to the pseudo-accusations presented here by Mr Çela on behalf of the State Control Service is as follows: 1. The government I led, which included many devoted and respected members of the Socialist Party and its parliamentary group, worked during very important and difficult political, economic and social moments connected with the overthrow of the old regime, the beginning of political pluralism, popular uprisings, general strikes, and the paralysis of the basic structures of the economy and of people’s everyday functioning. Its work was characterized by dedication and sacrifice to ease as much as possible the hardships at the beginning of the transition, while administering with the greatest possible correctness the foreign aid that it managed to secure. Therefore, although I am hearing them formulated in this way for the first time, I declare, with political and personal responsibility, that Mr Çela's conjectures and pseudo-accusations are nothing other than a politically orchestrated electoral montage, openly aimed at eliminating the genuine opposition in present-day Albania, the PSSH, whose electorate has indisputably grown. Mr Çela is not the first to make these provocations; he has heard them from the [unclear] people and today's state party, who have conducted subversion against the PSSH and its leaders, dividing it into healthy and rotten parts, reformists and conservatives, solely because this Party has played and continues to play the role of a genuine, constructive opposition that does not make deals and does not submit to revanchist pressures from within or without, which are destabilizing life in Albania today. I emphasize that the government I headed, made up of many experts who were taking part in the leadership of the state for the first time, worked honestly, without ostentation, dependency or party interests, and did not submit to pressure from either PPSH or PDSH leaders. 2. The allocation of Italian aid and the procedure for receiving it began and were carried out by the Çarçani government. I had no personal involvement in this matter, either as general secretary or as deputy prime minister in charge of economic reform in that government. 3. When I took over the leadership of the government on February 25, 1991, I found all the procedures for approving and sending emergency aid from neighboring Italy already completed, including the calculation of the companies entrusted with this work. Therefore, the government I headed and the relevant discussions and commitment of funds [unclear] to continue delivering the allocated aid as soon as possible, because the people's needs were great. I have no personal or family connection with the firms “Levante Co,” “Iliria Holling,” or others like them, much less with the kind of firms from the one-party regime that today's rulers have had time to create and reactivate—and they should not think these will not be uncovered very soon. The only issue I personally discussed with A. Sejdini was the allocation of 10 cars, his gift to the DP and the two other parties in today's governing coalition, which were then in opposition. 4. As Prime Minister, I was not involved, nor could I personally have been involved, in drawing up or changing lists of Italian aid goods. Therefore, for the authorities [text corrupted] specialized in making calculations, it makes no difference who sent the faxed offers. When I took office [The end of the text is cut off and partly illegible.]

Blerim Çela asked the prosecutor's office to bring criminal charges against Fatos Nano. What is the response? Today Blerim Çela made a career as Chairman of the Italian State Control Service, not in Albania. The incident in which the floor was denied to the chairman of the Socialist Party, who was also being accused as a former prime minister, a parliament becoming fascistified into a state with increasingly police-like characteristics. It is also a tradition of Albanian assemblies that, before the accused or pseudo-accused is condemned—or, as Mr Çela puts it, [unclear]—he is given the floor. Mr Malaj ultimately does not grant me this right in this parliament's mock court. How do you assess Mr Çela's accusations? They are political montages and orchestrations. The government I headed worked honestly, with great correctness and dedication, and everything was handled in accordance with the laws of the Albanian state at the time and the legal procedures of the Italian state. There are facts and documents to prove this. Is this the beginning of the parliamentary crisis? If they do not withdraw, this is the beginning of a political parliamentary crisis. So you reject the documents presented by Mr Çela? I reject the documents because they are not documents; they are articles written by you, Mr Paloka.

In the framework of the extreme right's struggle to destroy Albanian democracy in general and the Socialist Party in particular, Blerim Çela appears on the staff roster as a sniper. - Guards were Çela appears on the staff roster as a sniper. As is known, snipers are marksmen who hit with great precision the targets assigned to them for elimination. Blerim Çela is a sniper of a special kind: his weapon is demagoguery, while his bullets are smoke, fog and poisonous gases that may defeat him more than his opponent. Everything connected with the interpellation session with B. Çela had been prepared with great care by old hands. Everything that changes is subject to procedures grounded in our laws and those of the Italian state. 5. Problems and disagreements regarding the delivery and maximum use of Italian aid to meet the country's urgent needs arose at the time and were discussed responsibly at many meetings of the Government and its Presidium, in order to take the appropriate measures. Indeed, as is clear from the minutes of the official meetings in Tirana with the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs, which we have, the problems that arose were also discussed with the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs, who emphasized that the rate of goods from aid shipments arriving in Albania was considered among the highest compared with aid sent to other countries. I would mention in particular the creation of a Special Commission, proposed and approved by consensus by the main political forces, with a non-partisan character and composition. It was officially tasked with discussing with the Italian side—the Italian ambassador in Tirana, government experts and Italian aid donors—the issues of prices, assortment, quantities, receipt, storage and distribution of goods for the most urgent needs. There are a framework, working regulations and minutes of discussions, as well as solutions to every disagreement with the Italian side, which, under Italian Law No. 49-87 and regulations, supervises and controls the prices and offers of goods. Regarding the problems and concerns raised by this commission, the government I headed took the necessary steps and made the necessary appeals to the competent Italian state authorities, which considered and treated them on every occasion as being in accordance with their laws and under the full supervision of the bodies appointed by them. Indeed, I reported on behalf of the government on this matter and the organization of the situation to Parliament after March 31. (Continued on page 4)

First, the President had called it unfair for the DP group to detach Article 90 from the parliamentary rules of procedure, which, he said, stipulates that interpellations take place after two weeks. He had said that this could not now be changed and had conveyed to this delegation that the PS parliamentary group should take part in the interpellation the following day. This request was accepted by the PS group. Second; the President promised that Blerim Çela would be made available to the PS parliamentary group, so that it could examine the documents he had and the material he would present to the Assembly. Third; it was agreed with the President that, after the Socialist group had examined the documents, a question-and-answer session with Blerim Çela would be held. Fourth; it was agreed that those people whose names Blerim Çela mentioned would be given the right to speak.

At the very beginning of the session, after T. Malasi announced the agenda, deputy K. Islami requested that those whose names would be mentioned be given the right to speak. Petritka immediately opposed this request. Minga, on behalf of the DP, [text unclear]. T. Malasi does not let Minga speak from the floor and says he will not allow anyone to speak; regardless of whether their name is mentioned, they will speak when the question session is held. This provoked a reaction and protests from the Socialist group. Deputy F. Abdiu asks for the floor. Malasi gives it to Iljën Halit. The first words of Shameti, on behalf of the DP, were: “Shut up, you're doing our heads in,” and the Socialist deputies were interrupted: “Shut up, you're doing our heads in”—a statement that clearly sums up yesterday's session in particular and the Democratic Party's true attitude toward the opposition in general. It was this party and this parliamentary group that, a few days ago, adopted by [unclear] and concentrated attack the constitutional law on freedoms and human rights. How lucky we are to have this democracy, where everyone is allowed to do whatever they want and you can't do anything to stop them—better than [unclear], perhaps a gang that apparently is getting out of the hands of even the honorable President. For nearly three hours Mr Blerum Çela spoke as he pleased. About 50 times he mentioned the name of the PS Chairman, making the most incredible speculations. In the marathon speech, in which he tried to adopt the tone of a prosecutor, the hand and [text cut off] were clearly visible. (Continued on page 4)

- Is the President a demagogue, or does nobody listen to him? - Tomor Malasi's provincial arrogance. The PS parliamentary group submits a motion of no confidence against him. - The gallery packed with ants who shout and yell under direction. - Guards are summoned into parliament as a test for a coup d'état. As part of the extreme right's struggle to destroy Albanian democracy in general and the Socialist Party in particular, Blerim Çela appears ...it was supposed to serve the purpose of brainwashing the Albanians so that he would hear only what B. Çela said. They say that, in order to say the words he said while drinking water, for