The actions of those in power today, although disguised, are clear to most people. Authoritarian government with neocommunist elements and feudal chieftainism. It is natural that today’s government cannot be dictatorial on the scale of the dictatorship of the proletariat; circumstances have changed by now: there are no more blocs or Cold War, Albania is a member of most European international organizations, but above all, the Albanian people now have a clear vision of their development within a politically pluralist society based economically on private property. Any dream of governing for a long time has now been rendered obsolete and can only have self-destructive consequences. The holding of Fatos Nano hostage and the terror during the local elections in May are clear features of the neocommunist suppression of the opposition. What would be the consequences of these actions, and what sinister aims lie behind them? At first glance, the idea is created that these actions constitute a blow only against the SP and have nothing at all to do with the other political forces. Naively, quite a few small or medium-sized political forces, instead of targeting these actions, are trying to find pragmatic solutions. In reality, through their latest actions, today’s rulers are attempting to eliminate all political opponents and suppress political pluralism in Albania. These blows are directed at the resolute leadership of the SP, and indirectly at all the other political forces; that is why the SP feels these pressures continuously and intensely, while the other political forces feel them much more weakly and less often. In the activities of political forces promoting different alternatives, the scope for their action is shrinking more and more. The leaders of the DP and the Albanian state, with the sole aim of holding on to power as long as possible, are applying neocommunist-style methods to eliminate all political opponents, disguising their actions as supposedly a struggle against the conservative wing of the corrupt SP. In reality, this demagogic move has two aims: first, to eliminate all the resolute opponents of the current government who are part of the SP leadership, using the method of eliminating them one by one; and second, to create the conditions for the DP itself to form a coalition with the SP in the next elections by driving away the SP’s allies, using the tactic of intimidation through the stigma of collaborating with the former communists. Why does the DP pursue this tactic? First of all, it is convinced that the SP is currently the largest political force in the country, with a leader who symbolizes the struggle for democracy and social justice being held hostage in Tirana prison. In addition, through its fictitious-coalition and pressure policy, the DP has removed every opportunity for the normal growth of small and medium-sized political forces, encouraging bipolarization. In the next elections, also drawing on the Polish and Hungarian experience, the DP is convinced that its electorate will visibly dwindle to its disadvantage. Consequently, it will not have the practical ability to govern either as a single political force or in a coalition with other forces against the SP. It will therefore have to remain alone as a very weakened opposition, or use every means to weaken the SP and the other political forces, in order to pave the way for a coalition with the SP. But considering how far the leaders of the DP and many officials currently in power have gone in opposing the idea of cooperation and accusing the SP of unfair tactics, putting forward and accepting the idea of an unconditional coalition with the SP would be catastrophic for it. That small fanatical electorate which continues to follow it would be completely disappointed and might consequently withdraw its support. So, in order to prevent this electorate from becoming disillusioned, continued political pressure on the SP is necessary. Why does the DP need a coalition with the SP? First of all, by eliminating F. Nano and several of the SP’s current leading figures, it would claim that «simply for reasons of continuity and a lack of experienced cadres, it would be in the country’s best interests for the DP to retain the presidency and several of its leading officials accused of corruption.» Secondly, it could escape an honest investigation into the questionable, unconstitutional activities of many of its ministers or leaders. Thirdly, it could strengthen the position of its party loyalists in the political and police administrations, in the SHIK and in the private economy—people who do not like the rules of the rule of law. The logical conclusion of this analysis is clear: after securing power in the previous elections through bombastic, demagogic promises, and during this period securing the role of broker in the distribution of the 50-year-old national wealth, taking the lion’s share for itself, the DP now seeks, through demagogic means, pressure and state terror, to cover up corruption and consolidate its enrichment by remaining in power at all costs. This scenario would

- The Vice-Chairman of the SP, People’s Assembly deputy S. Pëllumbi, held a working meeting in Janina on Sunday, 12. 6. 1994, with the member of PASOK’s KO, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Greece, Karolos Papulias - S. Pëllumbi: We ask that the 35 million Ecu in aid to Albania be unblocked, regardless of the fact that it is a message drawing Europe’s attention to what is happening in Albania. K. Papulias: We appreciate the mature political positions of the SP. We want good relations with Albania. We will not use the «refugee card». We will not unload other people’s «troubles» onto them. Dr. Servet Pëllumbi, after thanking Mr. Papulias for the meeting and wishing PASOK victory in the elections to the European Parliament being held on the days of the meeting, set out in his remarks the SP’s vision for relations between the two parties, the SP and PASOK, in the spirit of the joint declaration signed exactly one year earlier. Mr. Papulias emphasized his own satisfaction, and that of Chairman Papandreu, at the rapid growth of the role and prestige of the Socialist Party of Albania (PSSH) as a party that is increasingly winning the sympathy and support of the people, Europe and the Socialist International. The Socialist Party of Albania, Mr. Papulias said, has gained authority in European political circles for its mature and balanced European positions. Its vision of foreign policy and international relations is constructive and contemporary. We cannot agree with the positions being taken toward the chairman of the SP, Fatos Nano. The drama of Fatos Nano fills us with shame, and we are impressed by the courage of the SP chairman, Fatos Nano, and by the dedication with which the Socialist Party of Albania has dealt with this issue. We assure you, Mr. Papulias said, that we will strive to continue giving the PSSH our support in the future as well. Discussing the unsatisfactory state and development of relations between Greece and Albania, Dr. Servet Pëllumbi stressed that the message from the peoples of the two countries calls for something quite different. Our common interests, historical closeness, cultural traditions, ease of movement of people and capital, and shared responsibilities for our region are such that they call for room for dialogue and for bilateral initiatives that will leave a lasting mark on relations between the two countries. Dr. Pëllumbi thanked, on behalf of the SP and its electorate, the PASOK leadership and the Greek government, which, unlike in the past, when «Operation Fieshas» was in operation, did not use and is not using the «Albanian refugee card» as a means of pressure. Mr. Papulias declared that this would not happen in the future either. «We will not unload other people’s “troubles” onto them»; [unclear] they are obliged to come and work for us. Thanking him for this humane and friendly position, S. Pëllumbi raised the need, in the same spirit, to overcome the blocking of the 35 million Ecu in aid allocated to Albania. We, as a political force, he said, understand this blockage as a message from Europe, and not simply as a «Greek veto» against the Berisha Government, which «does not care» about European standards of freedoms and human rights, also underlined in point 9 of the European Parliament Resolution on Albania. There are serious violations in Albania; there are tendencies toward an authoritarian and repressive regime, as happened, for example, in several communes during the elections of 29 May 1994. For us, Dr. S. Pëllumbi continued, such a situation is un- (Continued on page 2) (Continued on page 2)

- Meetings of the Vice-Chairman of the Socialist Party of Albania, Dr. Servet Pëllumbi, in the districts of Gjirokastër, Sarandë and Delvinë - Delegated to oversee the party election campaign, the Vice-Chairman of the PSSH, comrade Servet Pëllumbi, was in the districts of Gjirokastër, Sarandë and Delvinë these days, Thursday, Friday and Saturday, 9, 10 and 11 June. He met with the presidium of the Socialist Party in the district of Gjirokastër, talked with members, supporters and many other citizens in Konispol, Livadhja and Lukovë, presented the SP’s positions on the latest developments to large audiences in the cities of Sarandë and Delvinë, and also held a working meeting with the presidium of the Socialist Party of Delvinë. He was accompanied by KPD member and deputy Anastas Angjeli.

How severe will the sentence be for former head of state Ramiz Alia and his comrades? Antigjiori Arianit Cela denounces the legal violations and the act of legal expertise. The judicial investigation against the first postwar chairman of pluralist Albania, Ramiz Alia, and five other accused persons has also concluded. On Sunday, 12 June, a hearing was held to confront the legal and national experts with their assessment of the criminal act. Among the experts from the OJ was Larti Arianit Cela. The experts’ interventions in the earlier notes ... The experts acknowledge that during the 45 years of the dictatorship of the proletariat around 10,314 citizens were interned, while the number of political prisoners over 45 years was around 8,500. The experts said that the decisions of the internment-and-exile commission to extend the term of punishment were not based on the law, while they did not agree on whether the decisions of the same commission concerning early release or revocation had been lawful. The experts also acknowledged that the operational files on the former internees had not been examined and proposed that [unclear] be done by the district internal-affairs departments or by mass organizations such as the Democratic Front. (Continued on page 2)

The chairman of the Socialist Party of the district, Resul Llago, first reported on the progress of the campaign and the preparatory work for the Party conference. He spoke about admissions, the establishment of new organizations and structural organization in accordance with what real conditions require and dictate, work with the area steering councils, etc. The district Party presidium informed attendees that the focus of the district Party conference, through discussions and contributions, would be our alternatives for overcoming the difficult situation and advancing the district. Taking the floor at various points during the discussion, Servet Pëllumbi stressed that we must reach some conclusions from this intensive party work during the campaign and from the concerns raised ... ... the elections this year are new. What we conclude, and what people also emphasize, is that action is needed. The Party’s actions must also be accompanied and coordinated with those of the forums and associations close to it, as well as with actions by parties, large and small, and by individuals. An analysis of the issues arising from recent developments shows that the SP’s strategy is to retain power at all costs, even though this strategy is draining its democratic potential. The force is turning the recent local elections into a farce. We ourselves must learn that you may have the electorate but lose the vote if you cannot administer it, unless you respond with democratic actions that put a stop to violence and its methods of collapse. At times, an idealistic vision of democracy and an excessive belief in legalism dominate among us. Repressive state actions endanger democracy and Albania itself. Parliamentary struggle is one thing, and we engage in it and make use of it, but other, broader actions must also be undertaken—mass democratic actions. We must better prepare the Party for such actions. The Party needs to broaden its reach horizontally at every level; the Party in the districts must find ways and means to make its views better known among the people. The electorate’s expectations of the SP are very high, and so is its responsibility. The idea of political initiative has become a matter of the day in Albania. The new party election campaign must help us prepare for this.

For us and the residents of Libofshë, 29 May 1994 will remain a black day, when people in black uniforms (black) and «drugged», directed by the party whose officials belong to the PD system, encouraged and supported by the police’s blue uniforms, brutalized the people of Libofshë on a scale unknown to us in this century. Turkey inflicted severe punishments on this people, but Libofshë patriots opened the Albanian-language school; the brutal exploitation inflicted on the Myzeqe people—people such as Naun Gjgjor Prifti kept the morale of this people high; fascism and its tools committed atrocities, but men such as Jovan Ndreko, Vasil Gjeka, Thanas Laska, etc., defended them with their blood. The communist system waged a brutal class war, but the sons and daughters of Libofshë, recruited into all parties ... All Albanians knew how to embrace the changes in society and went through the democratic processes with culture and dignity. The elections of 29 May for Mayor of the Libofshë Commune, held as a consequence of the death of our unforgettable comrade Islam Lala, required the Libofshë electorate to return to the polls once again. The month-long election campaign proceeded quite normally for all the political forces that competed. In the final days, representatives of the party in the central PD government, taking stock of their complete failure and realizing that they could not escape the investments of over 200 million lekë that the DP had supposedly made in roads and the water supply system, nor the pressure over job dismissals, decided to use another method, one that had worked for them on 22 March 1992. In our commune, they decided to use a method for achieving their dark aims, as had been done in Kii, the Philippines, etc. Organized gangs made up of people brought from Tirana, Durrës, Sulaj, Hamili and Kuman of Fier organized physical and psychological terror against the democratic people of Libofshë. The gangs led by Viktor Margilaj, Behar Plaka and Vadimir Gurguri did not spare Libofshë from beatings and threats, directed not only at representatives of the Socialist Party but also at the women and elderly, whom they brutally attacked. State force was also used against them, with the state protecting the actions of thugs by deploying sympathizers, [unclear: “zja-rifkësin”], rubber truncheons and even police dogs. They acted with ... (Continued on page 2)

At the broad meetings held in the cultural center halls of the cities of Sarandë and Delvinë, after hearing more vividly how the socialist alternative would win over more and more people each day, and about the entirely visible support for its alternative in Europe today, comrade Servet Pëllumbi focused on the PS’s perspective on recent developments in the country. The PS’s perspective is a realistic one, he stressed, one that sees and assesses past situations with ... (Continued on page 2) ... these pressures, which are continuous and powerful, while the other political forces are much weaker and less numerous. In the activities of the political forces to put forward various alternatives, their room for action is shrinking ever more. The leaders of the PD and the Albanian state, together with many of today’s powerful figures, oppose the idea of cooperation and a joint struggle with the PS. with the PS would be catastrophic for it. The small fanatical electorate that continues to follow it would be completely disillusioned and, as a result, could ... (Continued on page 2) ... while awarding itself the lion’s share. Let us speak with this demagogy and work, and use by remaining in power at any cost. This option would ... (Continued on page 2) Discussing ... there is a tendency toward an authoritarian and ... repressive regime, as happened, for example, in some municipalities S. Pëllumbi continued, such a situation is im- (Continued on page 2) ... The dissatisfied activists ... relations between the Albanian Government and the Greek Government. of the two countries calls for something entirely different. The shared interests of proximity ...