Yesterday in the People’s Assembly: motion of no confidence in the Meksi Government — As expected, only the DP deputies support this government, once again approving the political violence in Libofshë, the policy of dismissing people from their jobs, rising prices, the plundering of property in the name of privatization, unbridled corruption, open smuggling, the impoverishment and insecurity of the people, the epidemic, the absence of a Constitution, etc. —

Discussion on behalf of the PS parliamentary group by deputy Servet Pëllumbi, deputy chairman of the Socialist Party Mr. Chairman, When we first submitted the motion of no confidence in Prime Minister Meksi, our initiative was grounded both in our constitutional right and in the experience of contemporary democracies, according to which democracy is in danger only when the ability to recognize evil, denounce it and remedy it is lost. More than three months have passed since the day we called for a motion of no confidence in Prime Minister Meksi—not through any fault of ours—and the impression may have arisen that time had weakened it. In reality, the opposite has happened: it has reinforced our motives and enriched our arguments. But, of course, the time that has elapsed obliges us to recall some of our demands on which the motion was and still is based, even today. The places where democratic contacts with society and citizens should take place—including those who are in opposition at an enterprise—have been taken over by party meetings of the Prime Minister and ministers with PD supporters; democratic methods and state leadership have been supplanted by antidemocratic methods, with a marked tendency toward a centralist and police state. Public employees, including teachers, are made to register in the ranks of the Party-State as a condition for keeping their jobs. Of course, no one is forcing the Prime Minister or ministers to change their beliefs or party affiliation; but we have the right to demand that they not impose their beliefs on others through pressure or state favors at the expense of professionalism, and that the Prime Minister and his ministers not consider themselves entitled to… As for the latter points: much talk was made of solutions «unmatched by anything in the past»; Decision No. 306 of the Council of Ministers, dated 30.6.1994, was loudly promoted, and Mr. Meksi also promised its implementation during a special interpellation here in Parliament. Nothing has been done. Everything has remained on paper and the agenda remains heavy. People want concrete solutions; they want professionalism and seriousness; they want competence and the ability to take responsibility—qualities that are uniformly lacking in the Meksi Government and make it the most irresponsible government. Second, Prime Minister Meksi is inclined to keep his subordinates engaged in the use of physical and verbal violence against political freedoms and the free vote. A typical example is the event in Libofshë, where the PD, with the help of the state, tried to test the methods by which it aims to turn free elections into a farce, into a compulsory formal act. Regarding the events in Libofshë, with facts and… specific names, eyewitnesses, documents, etc., we informed Prime Minister Meksi by telephone while the events were still unfolding and political and economic mafiosi had been unleashed against the free vote. But he gave his veto and the cabinet he leads in the service of the «Libofshë Experiment», to test how power can be held through violence, how police coercion can take the place of the free vote, while the real result is replaced by… (Continued on page 2) requested any fault of ours—and this may have created the impression that time has blunted it. In reality, the opposite has happened: it has strengthened our reasons and enriched our arguments. But, of course, the passage of time obliges us to recall some of the demands on which our motion was and still is based. First, we believe that Prime Minister Meksi has not shown the ability—or, indeed, the willingness—to govern for everyone, to govern for all Albanians, because, as he himself has declared, he divides citizens into “our enemies.” Under Mr. Meksi’s leadership, the Government’s activity has been placed entirely under the tutelage of the state Party, thereby turning it into a monopolistic instrument of political revenge and of a class war— …including teachers, are being made to register with the state Party as a condition for keeping their jobs. Of course, nobody is forcing the Prime Minister or the ministers to change their beliefs or party affiliation; however, the expense of professionalism; that the Prime Minister and his ministers not be afraid of their own citizens, but maintain regular contact with them and commit themselves concretely to resolving their problems as far as possible, rather than becoming loudspeakers for euphoric and deceptive propaganda. A typical example is the somewhat vindictive stance taken by Mr. Meksi and his Government toward the economic demands of former political prisoners, or toward the strikers at Bata, the residents of areas expropriated for Lake Fierza, etc. It was forgotten …the current ministers Aleksandër Meksi. The grave event in Libofshë on May 29—the presence of state crime, a dangerous precedent of violating people’s free vote—prompted the Socialists, three months ago, Minister, demanding his resignation. And the Albanian Parliament discussed this request, which would have been [unclear] the vision presented by Libofshë; [unclear] in the parliamentary chamber the face of a Government governed by Mr. Meksi himself, who, according to the deputy chairman of the Socialist Party, Mr. Servet Pëllumbi, “has not shown in these two years the ability to govern a Government for all Albanians, but, as he puts it, has declined … and ‘our enemies.’” “Inclined to defend poverty and to … use violence”; “the violence in Libofshë sought to replace the free vote by imposing the retention of power; it did not enforce the law and violated it in order not to provide guarantees for free elections; ‘a chaotic government and a prime minister who secures support from thugs favored by illegal privatization’”—these are the charges that the opposition PS, FAD and PBDNJ level at the current Albanian Prime Minister, and judging by the way they went after him ... Of course, this servile characterization of the Prime Minister, the coarse abuse and scandalous insults are simply vulgar. But everything can be put right; the Socialists had now taken this position and were pressing firmly to place the matter immediately on the PD’s agenda. “How much of our foundation have we lost; what impression does Albania make; where is the economic growth; which enterprises are working, where…” (Continued on page 4)

Chronicle There will be no change in the Government’s course, nor will anyone else take Meksi’s seat as prime minister. This was the impression created yesterday immediately after the session in the Albanian Parliament where the motion of no confidence against incumbent Prime Minister Aleksandër Meksi was debated. The grave event in Libofshë on 29 May, the presence of state crime, and the dangerous precedent of violating people’s free vote compelled the socialists to present a motion of no confidence in the prime minister to the majority, demanding his resignation. Yesterday the Albanian Parliament debated this demand, which had spread across all social strata: the poor, traders, small and large; former political prisoners, former owners; emigrants; students; young people, leading to arrests, where everything was acceptable to a social category still not defined: the DP deputies. The pedestal that the DP had… a good function; it raised it a little higher so that people could see it better, not only with their eyes but also reassess what the DP had done. Tritan Shehu, party secretary, described the accusations the opposition had put on Meksi as a suit, «a detailed directive to insult the beautiful kiosks that have employed thousands of people». With it he «showed…» [text unclear] of Libofshë, who escaped the cooperative; the foreman and operative cannot vote for the PS and the ZP newspaper, which even collectivized their last livestock. This was the intellectual arsenal displayed yesterday by RD in defense of Mr. Meksi, who was placed face to face with the opposition and also with the people. Marash Ibraj, a DP deputy known from the events in Fushë-Arrëz, where he has «insisted» that the truth come out, described the PSH as having come from Gebels’s offices; the co-chair Slobodan; coordinating the actions… that were taking place in Sheqzë. Vukaj, deputy speaker of the Assembly, addressed Meksi: «whatever I say, I say it as a friend and as an enemy», and appealed for unity to stop the average-level action of blood feud. Even after 100 years, Meksi and his Government have done nothing about it. Poal and other PS and opposition deputies took turns speaking, using servile figures of speech about the prime minister, outrageous insults and scandalous, if merely vulgar, abuse. But it can be fixed quickly: the Socialists had now taken their stand and firmly put the matter on the PD’s agenda.»

Discussion by deputy ANASTAS ANGJELI Without denying some achievements Albania has made on the road of democratic transformation, which coincide with the period when, I think, the Meksi government… I think the Meksi government… I think the Meksi government… particularly in foreign policy, in state policy, whether one is an ordinary person, a trader or a farmer, a businessperson or an intellectual—in short, whoever one may be—fate is «this burden». I could put it more clearly: «So that the road to democracy we have chosen and are all supporting is not corrupted, Albania needs a different way of governing». This is because: First: In terms of its impact on… internal political stability, through the creation of conditions and space for the consolidation of political pluralism, this government has so far been unable to achieve anything that is required. Very little is required in these respects, I say, regarding the events… there are many, but because… the events in Libofshë sealed the unjust exhaustion of this government, which, in order to defend its existence at any cost, used dishonest methods: violence, diktat, terror and shameful manipulation. And through the use of such methods, no government can enjoy a moral mandate to govern. Second, in terms of its activity to bring the country out of the economic-social crisis through the development of economic reform toward a market economy, despite some valuable achievements at the macroeconomic level, during its two and a half years in office this government: — Has not managed to halt the decline in production overall and set it on a path of growth, thereby bringing the economy out of crisis. — Has not managed to ensure the protec- … (Continued on page 3)

Discussion by deputy SHAQIR VUKAJ Today, when more than ever… unity among Albanians is needed, we are discussing a motion of no confidence against you. But you understand perfectly well that this is not our fault, but the fault of those politicians and clans who brought Albania to this point, organizing and carrying out black deeds to terrorize the people and even their representatives, as happened on 29 May in Libofshë. The people believed in you, believed in democracy, believed in better days, and therefore gave you their vote. And we did well. But the deterioration began quickly, as the shock experienced by the Albanian electorate on 26 July 1992 showed. Today the PS bears the whole burden of governing you. For what, gentlemen, should we hold you responsible: public order or the economy, corruption or education, agriculture or culture, health care or the decline of human rights? You frightened the people with promises of law and order, but although you increased the number of police officers on the beat (not to mention several other kinds of police), law and order were not secured. The number of crimes increased, the number of murders multiplied, so much so that in many areas and cities people remained anxious until their children returned home. What is the number of crimes? Nobody knows, because accurate figures have never been compiled. But the cases we hear about are shocking, things Albania has never seen before. And you know very well that these things are happening. Mafiosi and thugs have infiltrated there, and not infrequently, the clans… (Continued on page 2)

The number of tourists returning is [unclear] of the 10-kilometer line. This is the cultural finding of this road, [unclear] at the Kakavijë border crossing. Meanwhile, the authorities have also [unclear] at customs during these months on the Korçë-Kapshticë route. *** Regarding the floods and the communications fields of the Deputy. This announcement … *** The Bank of Albania issues new 200- and 500-lek banknotes ... *** For one month, only 20 [unclear] cigarette clearances, according to information from ... BRIEFLY... … customs at Kakavijë today. *** Information from Kuçovë and Berat indicates that preventive measures ... have been taken against cholera. During the day, the flow of patients ... officials announced ... *** A plantation is being made public in Vlorë ... BRIEFLY... … sought [unclear] for 350,000–400,000 drachmas. *** In Albania, the cholera epidemic has spread through water-supply pipes and through food, says the WHO special envoy assigned for this purpose. *** [Unclear] victims of traffic accidents. A 16-year-old ... BRIEFLY... … by E. Kelaj, N. Mnelaj and A. Dermanaj themselves, assisted by their Italian friends. *** An operation to combat [unclear] has begun its activities in Shkodër in recent days. It is a branch of an Italian agency. Applications are accepted here ... *** Price fluctuations in the market ... *** More than 7.3 million lek in fines imposed [unclear] ... *** On the grounds of “Europeanizing the sector ...”, [someone] has been dismissed from ...

More than three months have passed since the day we requested a motion of no confidence in Prime Minister Meksi—not through any fault of ours—and this may have created the impression that time has blunted it.

TOMORROW YOU WILL READ: «THE REPORT OF THE INTER-PARLIAMENTARY UNION AND THE RESOLUTION OF THE INTER-PARLIAMENTARY COUNCIL» ON THE NANO CASE