Now that the elections have ended and their results have been announced, the question arises: were they free? The “impartial” state television is doing everything it can to convince us that they really were free. We hear the same thing from all those foreign spokespeople being interviewed so courteously, in so many foreign languages. As never before, in the presence of pluralist commissions, people went into the polling booths, wrote and chose, and of their own free will placed their folded ballot—their future—in the red ballot box. Perhaps these elections were physically free, but morally they were not! Representatives of the PPSH have said many times that our people have no traditions in the field of democracy, do not know pluralism and, logically, have no conception of free elections. Therefore, to help this people, who historically have never known what freedom of thought means, to vote freely, the PPSH decided on the eve of the elections to take several important measures. First: The electoral law drafted by the PPSH itself was to remain in force, from a time when in Albania the word “pluralism” meant “heresy.” This outdated law, designed for an outdated type of voting, would be a full guarantee that the new elections, with an entirely new type of voting, would be “free.” Second: So that the people could go to the polls calmly, with dignity and in safety, the forces of order, the army, the security service and the judiciary were to remain in the hands of the powerful Party, so that nothing unpleasant and unexpected would happen to it. In other words, both the stone and the weapon in its hand! The opposition’s demand that they be depoliticized (as everywhere in the world) was to be treated as a demand for “roast meat on a spit”! Third: To ensure that the election campaign was conducted freely and fairly, everything possible was to be done to put “spokes in the opposition’s wheels.” Its newspapers were not to be allowed to be read in the villages, in military units, etc., in order to keep the minds of unprepared people “clear.” Those from the opposition’s propaganda who approached the countryside to confuse and bewilder it with the bogeyman of capitalism and the beys were to be treated as “dark forces.” At the same time, the PPSH was to assure the countryside that nothing would happen to the “well-being” and “abundance” created by Albanian socialism. Let the countryside vote for the PP, otherwise “there’ll be trouble...” Fourth: Radio and television were to give a “socialistically” truthful account of the “equal” election campaign, the voting process and its aftermath. But... in the name of pluralism, not a word was to be said about the blackmail, threats and beatings inflicted on opposition members. Not a word about the real reasons why voting took place in 249 constituencies and not 250, as the law provided. After the vote, the attitude toward foreign observers was to be “impartial” and “objective.” Only those who would speak well of the “free elections” were to be interviewed. Nothing live, everything recorded, edited and prettified. Those who expressed opinions different from those of the PPSH were to be declared “foreign enemies.” Fifth: When announcing the results, the Central Election Commission was not to forget the law of “natural selection.” That is, only the results from constituencies where the Labor Party had won were to be announced immediately. As for the main cities—Tirana, Durrës, Shkodër, Elbasan, etc.—where there are many intellectuals and democracy might win, let the people find out later. Better late than never! Those who know foreign languages can get the information from foreign radio and television stations. We have our own style! Save energy in operating the computers, which are supposed to provide detailed information on what percentage of the votes the losers received, whom the countryside voted for and whom the city voted for, whom the women voted for and whom the men voted for. The people don’t need such trifles! Sixth: At the end of the elections, all political entities were to accept and respect the will of the people! In a grand display on television, the independent organizations were to express their revolutionary enthusiasm at not having won a single vote. In any case, they should be proud that they honorably fulfilled their duty to the PPSH! In the end, it is the Party that loves the people! As for those candidates the people do not love, the Party will decide! Let’s not overdo it; we won’t ask the people about everything.

Martin Camaj is one of the most interesting figures of the Albanian diaspora in literature and culture in general. He lives in Munich, Germany, but for our press he has not existed. Not a line about him, not a word, even though his books are published in Prishtina and Rome, in Germany and the USA. This personality of Albanian culture was born in Dukagjin in 1925. As a very intelligent child, he was selected by the Catholic clergy for an education at the Jesuit College of Shkodër, where Martini, as an apostolic student, was destined to undergo a long period of education. But when the seminary closed in Shkodër in 1945, Martin Camaj was forced to work as a teacher in the Shkodër Highlands. After a few years of work, because of his political ideas, he fled Albania for Yugoslavia. There is little information about the first years of his stay in Yugoslavia. We know that he worked for a short time as a teacher in Kosovo and then enrolled as a student at the University of Belgrade in 1949. He now studied Romance philology and specialized in Italian, Romance and Slavic studies. Equipped with a broad culture, he would devote himself to our national culture. Thus he prepared and edited in Shkodër, Martin Camaj was forced to work as a teacher in the Shkodër Highlands. After a few years of work, because of his political ideas, he fled Albania for Yugoslavia. There is little information about the first years of his stay in Yugoslavia. We know that he worked for a short time as a teacher in Kosovo and then enrolled as a student at the University of Belgrade in 1949. He now studied Romance philology and specialized in Italian, Romance and Slavic studies. Equipped with a broad culture, he would devote himself to our national culture. Thus he prepared and edited in Shkodër, in addition to Albanian and German, French as well, though we do not know whether it was published. This work took him three or four years. During this period he also published two books of poetry in Prishtina: “A Thread in the Heart” (1953) and “The Song of Vrinitt” (1954), in which the figurative richness and expressiveness of the Shkodër literary school can be observed. From 1953 to 1959 Martini lived in Belgrade on the income of a political emigrant and continually worked on translations from Serbian into Albanian and vice versa. Under circumstances unknown to us, he left (Continued on page 2)

The Union of Independent Albanian Trade Unions is deeply indignant at the arrogant conduct of the Director General of Radio and Television, Fatmir Kuka, and his assistant, Hysni Lita, toward the members of the trade union at that institution. The day after the RTV union’s statement, these two people began a base campaign of violence and psychological terror, insulting and humiliating people with the aim of breaking them and finding [text unclear] the right [text unclear]. Although they were unable to achieve their aims, we vigorously protest against these people, who are nostalgic for the days of dictatorship, and declare that we will support the members of this institution’s trade union by every legal means.

Today’s democratic Shkodra, which rose to the occasion in the pluralist process and in creating a new democratic society, carries on its shoulders thousands of years of history, filled with struggles for freedom and social progress. It has been a cradle of civilization. In history, it has been a beautiful guiding balcony looking toward Europe. This hearth of Albanian resistance, like all the others, has always been a target of attacks by foreigners and internal enemies. It is a region of rich traditions, with a sense of pride and defiance, often placed in the sights of the poisoned arrows of barbarian forces. But it was stronger than Rozafati, which stands above it like a crown. Through its veins flowed for centuries the noble blood of the Labeatae, passed down to generations enriched in substance. This majestic city, since antiquity, met powerful attacks from sea and land head-on. A bright page in the annals of Shkodër is its heroic resistance in the fifteenth century against the savage Ottoman assaults. The entire population took refuge in the castle and held out against them for months, as well as against hunger, betrayal and every other calamity. This land became a double fortress, made of unconquerable people and massive stones. Even when the population took the road of flight toward Venice and elsewhere, it left behind the deep roots of freedom, reaching into the very heart of the earth. Later, this strengthened freedom returned, and it was stronger than Rozafati, which stands above it like a crown. Through its veins flowed for centuries the noble blood of the Labeatae, passed down to generations enriched in substance. This majestic city, since antiquity, met powerful attacks from sea and land head-on. A bright page in the annals of Shkodër is its heroic resistance in the fifteenth century against the savage Ottoman assaults. The entire population took refuge in the castle and held out against them for months, as well as against hunger, betrayal and every other calamity. This land became a double fortress, made of unconquerable people and massive stones. Shkodra holds an honored place in the Albanian National Awakening, because it became a powerful bastion and a source of support for it and for the Albanian League of Prizren. From its midst emerged many eminent and respected figures, such as Pashko Vasa, Zef Jubani, Luigj Gurakuqi, Filip Shiroka, Ndre Mjeda, Gjergj Fishta, etc. This source of Albanian pride carried the torch of honorable struggle onward to the Independence of 1912 and continued thereafter. The people of Shkodër never took the mantle of courage from their shoulders. In 1913 and then in 1915, for (Continued on page 2)

One morning, Mrs. Nexhmije Lika called me from Durrës: “As I speak to you now, I am close by and distressed by a great misfortune that has befallen me.” One morning, Mrs. Nexhmije Lika called me from Durrës: — As I speak to you now, I am close by and distressed by a great misfortune that has befallen me. It is about the fate of my son, Edgar Lika, born on 22.6.1980. His aunt, Dilavize Lika, kidnapped him, taking him with her to Italy. I read in the newspaper “Republika” the names of my sister-in-law and my son’s cousins, who had left together with him. But not my son’s name. I am terribly, terribly worried. It is a long story, so let me explain a little... My husband died several years ago. After his death, relations with his family were good and bad [text unclear]. What worries me most, and seems to me like a mafia-style act, is the fact that the published list contained the cousins’ group themselves; my son, whom they had taken, was in Italy. At the end of their names was also written the name Ed-mir Lika, born 22.6.1980. It is the same date of birth as my son’s. Meanwhile, his cousins have no child with such a name and date of birth. I am certain that behind this name they are hiding my son. A mother’s instinct, supported by facts, is never wrong... Then I heard her sobs from the other end of the line. With difficulty she ended the conversation, saying to me: “My son’s name is Edgar Lika, born on 22.6.1980. I beg you once again, as a parent, as a mother! At least tell me what I should do!?” Then her sobbing overwhelmed her and she hung up because she could no longer speak. I think that, despite the tense political situation we are in, we must never forget the human being. Their troubles. For in troubled times many people act contrary to every ethical, moral and legal norm. They think they can steal from reality with ease through base and Machiavellian deeds, carrying out all their crimes behind the curtains of the political stage. Let us leave the rest to hindsight. Briefly, I will present some facts connected with this mother’s story. Harmful acts have continually been committed against her because of our rather unclear family connections. This is a whole odyssey of hardships for this wretched, lonely, unsupported woman, who is being denied the right to have her children with her. Her husband left her a widow, [unclear] in a two-year [unclear] and Ergysin six months old. For seven years she lived with her mother-in-law, Sose, and sister-in-law, Dilavize. At the beginning of 1989 they had a disagreement. Both sides asked to separate. Then Nexhmija was admitted to a sanatorium. Meanwhile, her mother-in-law and sister-in-law, seeking to obtain the children’s father’s pension, began their efforts [text unclear]. After ten months Nexhmija left the hospital not fully recovered, with only her concern for the children on her mind. She went home, but they would not open the door. After 24 hours, two boys of the sister-in-law took the children away and brought them to Laç. On November 14, 1989, two final court rulings were issued by the Durrës court: one ordering that the minors be returned to Nexhmije, and the other granting her a room in the house [text unclear]. That difficult, [text unclear] situation. Her [text unclear]? Even if [text unclear], it appears that this transfer remained on paper, leaving her [text unclear] and without her sons. In April 1990, an employee of the enforcement office of the Durrës court referred the case to the investigative authorities for criminal prosecution, but they buried it in their files. An article in “Bashkimi” stirred the investigators, who sent the case to the district court with responsibility [text unclear]. The judge decided to sentence the sister-in-law Dilavize to 15 days’ imprisonment, while the mother-in-law Sose was fined 500 lek. Finally, Nexhmija got her children back on September 24, 1990. This came after extraordinary difficulties, because after Laç the children had been hidden for several months in the village of Pashnatik in Dibër, with the family of Ramadan Ukala. Thus the warm home began to glow again, [text unclear] spread by the mother-in-law and sister-in-law that the children did not love their mother. But their mafia-like network would not give up easily, and they were not deterred from continuing their work [text unclear]. But even if they had been there, they [text unclear]. Perhaps these events were the basis for all the courage of this gang. In a conversation with other witnesses, Destan Laci, from the town of Laç, [text unclear], on October 14, 1990 they kidnapped both little boys while they were going to school. On October 26, 1990, Nexhmija went to Laç and reported to the police. Together with the neighborhood police officer [Continued on page 4]

“PENDING APPROVAL: ‘THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF ALBANIA’” At the Ministry of Justice, we learned that an application for the approval of “The Social Democratic Party of Albania” had been filed as early as March 23. To learn a few details about this party, which is awaiting approval, we spoke with some members of the initiating group. Our question was: “What will this party represent? Will it be a faction of the Labor Party?” They replied: — The social-democratic movement is known, and its ideological principles are politically defined. At present it is one of humanity’s greatest alternatives, one that has existed for a long time. The communist alternative also existed and lasted until our days, but in practice it failed. Social democracy, on the other hand, represented in the West, prevailed, and the results of its achievements are visible everywhere in Europe, which today has a strongly social-democratic character. This view is gaining increasing ground in Albania too and is summed up in the slogan, “Let’s make Albania like all of Europe.” — So you will not be a faction of the Labor Party? — No, we will be an opposition party to the PPSH. I should tell you that the communism-socialism coalition has not merely been close; they have been together. Besides, this party, which is and [unclear] the party, is in opposition. — Who will be members of this party? (Continued on page 4)

We were forced to write to your editorial office because we could find no other way. I am an employee of “Rilindja” in the district of Kukës. As soon as we heard that the newspaper “Republika” had come out, many of us decided to subscribe to this publication, as we were also supporters of the Republican Party. Unfortunately, we encountered obstacles and were unable to subscribe. The person in charge of the PT office in the Arrën area, Halil Marku, a member of the PPSH, started this game by hiding the telegram about the plan and subscription for this newspaper. When we went and asked the employees at the PT office, they replied: “We don’t know anything; the person in charge knows about this.” At last, when we managed to [unclear], he told us: “I’ll make you place the subscriptions according to the plan by 12:00 on February 26” (the date and time stated in the telegram as the deadline for subscriptions). After the five days we had spent going to the PT office, we went again on the last day, February 26, hoping that our subscriptions were assured, since the authorities had changed too. The person in charge, realizing that he would be forced to take subscriptions for those interested, since he had no way out, thought up such a “wonderful” solution: two hours before the deadline, he sent a telegram to the district saying: “There is no demand for this newspaper.” This is how the PPSH “takes care” of distributing the opposition press through its members, who, in their great “zeal” to serve the ruling Party, abuse their positions as well. We ask you very much to publish this letter so that the person in charge will come to his senses in time for the second half of 1991. We eagerly await the publication of the letter. I and many of my friends who support the PR With regards and respect, FAIK QENANI Vrrj-Arrën, Kukës