And the long-awaited day of the first pluralist parliament, after almost half a century, arrived! An extraordinary, historic joy for Albania, for the entire people, who will not hear only one bell, since debates for the common good will boil in our parliament, to move mother Albania forward, because only she deserves the name mother. Never mind that the deputies of the Party of Labour made up the majority and can approve whatever laws they want (if there are no objections among them, too); this platform will nevertheless help ensure that issues are resolved through thorough and fair analysis, rather than listening only to one voice in unison, as in a choir. No, that time of complete monist dictatorship is over. The voice of democracy will resound for rights, and for those issues on which the opposition parties take an opposing—even unjust—position. But while we were waiting to see how the pressing issues on the agenda would be discussed, what none of us wanted happened: the group of Democratic Party deputies boycotted the opening session. We did not want this to happen because we wanted to enjoy the fruits of the first pluralist session of our new parliament. But the tragic events in Shkodër dictated this historic non-participation, which, after all, underlined the strength of pluralism itself and of this party, which considers more important than opening the assembly what matters most to our nation: protecting life and public order, and bringing the people’s murderers to account. We cannot understand the role played by the deputy, Mr Adil Çarçani, who, on behalf of the 10 oldest deputies, went from being someone whose role was only to ceremonially open the first session to acting as prosecutor and delivering a closing argument against the Democratic Party. By what right? Or because the Party of Labour “Silence over the bloodshed in Shkodër. One of the Party of Labour deputies in the chamber should have stood up—there are many talented individuals among them, with the respect, intelligence and intellectual courage required. He should have stood up and, while calling on every opposition deputy to participate, shown not only grief (a word that has by now been devalued and is inadequate) over the events in Shkodër, but also brought charges against the crime.” Nobody dared to do this. Indeed, deputy Ajli Alushani described the Democratic Party deputies’ position as “...a political veto, which is incompatible with democratic dialogue.” We accept, honourable deputy, that this is your opinion. But why do you not tell us the other side of the coin? Is the shooting in broad daylight of unarmed and peaceful people compatible with democratic dialogue?! How sad when a surgeon with an academic title, a man who saves people’s lives, remains silent about those who unjustly take them away. And not only that: continuing the outdated routine of a party’s single bell, he also speaks on behalf of the “Omonia” organization without consulting any of its deputies! Is this action part of democratic dialogue, too? We also thank television (in this case it did its job as it should) for broadcasting the just and clear objection of the “Omonia” representatives, who gave a good lesson to the people behind the scenes in the red... great art: do not come out and speak in their name without asking these deputies. Congratulations to “Omonia” for its dignified position and for its open, nationwide lesson on the values of pluralism in parliament! Thus, after the opening speech and the proposal of the Commission for the Verification of Mandates and Immunity, Mr Adil Çarçani declared the first session closed very soon, almost before the proceedings had begun. It lasted a little longer because the representative of the DP deputies, Neritan Ceka, read the statement of the party he represents on its non-participation in this assembly until those responsible for the Shkodër events are identified. Two very brief speeches were also made from the floor, and in this way the first session ended—or, more accurately, we can say that the Assembly adjourned its proceedings until Wednesday afternoon, so that the Democratic Party could reflect once more on its position of boycott (?!). Was it only for that, or perhaps to await the decision of the commission appointed to investigate the Shkodër affair?! • • • Yesterday afternoon, the fortunate moment arrived: the opening of the proceedings of the first pluralist assembly after years and years of half a century of monism, which had turned deputies into mannequins, capable only of raising their hands in unanimous approval. Without repeating at the start of this continuation the chronology of the second session, let us note that at the outset a Democratic Party deputy proposed and invited all deputies and those present to observe a minute of silence for the victims of 2 April in Shkodër. They stood up and paid their respects, as had been proposed, and Mr Adil Çarçani announced that various deputies had made several proposals and that, when the time came, this one too would be considered! During this session, with questions and objections about this or that irregularity in this or that area, first raised by representatives of the Democratic Party and then by “Omonia”, what stood out was something that, it seems to us, cannot be repeated too often: dialogue and respect for another person’s opposing opinion. In some cases this may look like a picture lacking harmony, but it is alive and developing. The deputies not only wanted to make their views known about certain electoral irregularities, as the DP claims; after much discussion on the spot, common ground was also found. There were Party of Labour deputies, such as Ismail Lleshi, not to mention others, who said objectively that approving the mandates commission’s report as a whole did not mean that we could not vote separately on individual issues. The voting mechanism is another matter. That is understood. Another matter is that one side has the majority, but the opposition is nevertheless entitled to raise its voice about what it considers an injustice. Specifically, this concerned 3–4 constituencies, and especially the indisputable fact that in electoral district number 1 the number of voters reached 13,000, while some other districts had as few as 4,000. By expanding discussion and strengthening cultivated dialogue, we will learn—and often spend more time on issues concerning Albania’s future. PETRO DHIMITRI ...is more important for our nation: safeguarding the lives of those who are still alive and bringing the people’s murderers to account. I cannot understand the role of By what right? Or because the Party of Labour—and he personally, as prime minister for many years—must, come what may, dictate matters? How can one say, “...it is not right for party interests to be placed above national interests because, as stated in the programs of almost all the parties, national interests stand above all other interests”? Why, honourable Party of Labour deputy, do you not consider the lives of the four martyrs of democracy in Shkodër and the blood of the 56 other innocent wounded people a national interest, given the degree of punishment inflicted by one of the dark forces in power? Is it in the interests of Albania and of the Party of Labour’s own prestige to be satisfied with describing these as “such painful and undesirable events” without bringing before the people’s court both the direct killers (two or four—as many as there were) and those who ordered them, whatever their rank? When the people in charge of maintaining order and the leading Party officials of the district were themselves at the scene as eyewitnesses, is it difficult to identify the killers? And what matters more: an entire people, brave, tyrants and democrats, or the people of Shkodër—or protecting ordinary criminals who fired weapons, not at the air, but into the flesh of the noble and industrious people, skilled and wonderful, of this cradle of our ancient and recent history? The call not to participate in the Assembly did not first arise from the DP headquarters in Tirana; it came from the hearts of the people of Shkodër, who demand justice under the laws in force and the protection of life. What value does a silent word have in the face of this voice, in the face of that event which, instead of heralding new steps for democracy in Albania, endorses a bloody dictatorial practice that even the Party of Labour itself should not desire? This is happening because, as was acknowledged in the Assembly, “our cultured, wise and calm people, as it rightly confirms” [text unclear] love and respect democracy. On the contrary, the people cannot take part in the Assembly unless the people’s legitimate demand is met and those who want to destroy this democracy are pointed out. This insistence is not political; it shows maturity, just as Europe and every progressive person have advanced, and as it has carried them forward in the world. For the gods are progressive everywhere in the world. For the age of one-party rule, when everything that happened was explained as the sole party wished, is over. It would be of great value, for the good of the nation, if you yourself, Mr Adil, as Chairman of the Democratic Front of Albania, were the first to ask the relevant bodies responsible for the killings and the investigation of the case to account for themselves as soon as possible. This idea was brought to mind by the very conscientious article by the scientist and communist Zija Cela, published in “Zëri i Popullit”, who writes:

SABRI GODO On the coast of Himarë, from Palasa to Nivicë, almost only the elderly, women and children remain. The young men have left. The workforce in the cooperatives is 10 percent. Even those people go out to their sector for an hour or two, just to have the day recorded. In practice, nobody works. Citrus groves, olive trees and vineyards are being damaged by the goats. Terraces and retaining walls are collapsing. The coast is falling into ruin. As if nature were playing a joke, the olive trees are about to yield a large crop, but there will be nobody to harvest it. This exodus of young men, and sometimes entire families as well, continues through the open border with Greece. At a meeting of the Himarë branch of the Republican Party, attended by all the men, the question was raised: how will people live, now that the beautiful, naturally fertile Coast is being ruined, and what will the young men find here when they return, if they return? The answer was unanimous: let privatization happen, let democracy be established, and the young men will return to the place that raised them. Then Himarë will begin to truly flourish. “But what will you do about the bread the cooperative provides you?” “Enough of this bread bogeyman. Let the food enterprise take care of it, even at a higher price; let private bakeries start up, too.” These villagers, with faces ... They have left because of poverty, unemployment and insecurity, and because they have lost hope, the last thing that keeps a person standing. How can this exodus of the living workforce, on which the revival of the Homeland depends, be stopped? In some districts, 50 percent of the wheat has been sown. And what has been sown has no chemical fertilizers and receives no care. The villagers graze their cows in the wheat fields and cut it at night for animal feed. So we will have no wheat this year, or very little. Just as we will have very little of other produce, too. Tobacco is not being planted; no crops are being cultivated any more. In village after village, people have begun forcibly taking back the livestock that had been pooled into herds. Here and there, someone more capable takes as many as 50 sheep. In some places, the village itself divides them fairly. But it is always by force, through revolt. Meanwhile, the authorities and law-enforcement bodies, who used to pursue a villager relentlessly for keeping a lamb, now stand by watching the cooperative herds being broken up. They stand watching because there is nothing else they can do. At last, the villager is taking back what he gave up years ago through “voluntary pooling”. The villager has nothing left to feed the livestock, so he grazes them wherever he can, while the herds still remaining in the cooperatives are... In Himarë, the cooperative ... giving them orders and drawing up plans. But, naturally, this must not be considered more important than the interests of the Himariots themselves and of the whole country, if we are to prevent the complete ruin of this land, whose ancient name may come from the word “chimera”—vision, dream. Abandonment and decay extend beyond the southern coast, into the Vurg valley and up into the lower mountain country. Abandonment and decay spread through the villages of Delvinë and on into Dropull. This evil fever is also spreading through Kurvelesh and the villages along the Drinos. Libohova looks just as gloomy and deserted as Himarë. Almost all the young people want to leave. They go by the thousands. Most stay in Greece for a few months, sometimes a few weeks, long enough to buy a hair dryer, two blouses and a few bits and pieces to stuff into a sack, then return intending to leave again. But crossing the border has become increasingly difficult. At first an Albanian would pay as much as 15,000 drachmas a day, whereas now the pay has fallen to 1,000–2,000. Most of those who cross without permission are caught and forcibly sent back. Some wander around Albania, begging for bread. Nevertheless, thousands more, including people from the northern districts, continue to stream towards the southern border. How did the Albanian people reach this state of destitution? For 46 years this country was kept surrounded by barbed wire. But the young wanted to see the world and often crossed under the wire, pursued by bullets. Now that one opening in the border is opened at one time and another at another, young people—and sometimes women with children in their arms—take to the roads of the world without knowing where... [text cut off] truly flourish. Himarë—so, private bakers start up, too.” These villagers, with stern and somewhat fierce faces, have thought through an answer to every question. They have considered machinery, chemical fertilizers and insecticides. They have also thought about private tourism, where many people could build a small guesthouse for local and foreign tourists. They have also thought that, during “privatization”, the beaches should be left available for development by large tourism companies. Listening to them, a new image of the Coast takes shape before one’s eyes, and the world begins to turn differently. It is not easy to get used to the idea of privatization. When the collectivization of everything began, a local prophet is said to have remarked: “It’s easy for you now, but what will you do when you dismantle the cooperatives?” Nevertheless, the cooperatives on the coast must... [text continues outside the frame] “It would be better for them to return and build up truly flourish.” [text unclear] let Nevertheless, the cooperatives on the coast must... [text cut off] ...the dispersal of the cooperative herds. They stood watching because there was nothing else they could do. At last, the villagers are taking back what they cooperatives are in dire straits. This rural scene is spreading into the towns, with factories closed or half-closed, unemployment rising rapidly and shops empty. It is unfolding before everyone’s eyes, while in the evening they watch on television some advanced brigade and some cultural activity with a group singing as if from the ends of the earth. The Party of Labour, which holds power, does not want to—or cannot—see the situation, the complete ruin, the catastrophe threatening the country. This is a very heavy responsibility before the people, for today and for the future. Once again, the path to a solution is ours to show; we have set it out in our programme, beginning with the full establishment of democracy and the breaking of bureaucracy.

The government’s position regarding the Shkodër massacre is unacceptable. The investigation has been compromised by manipulations that lead to the disappearance of evidence. No one has yet been identified as responsible for the killing of four people and the wounding of 56 others from among the people. This cannot be justified in any way in a state that claims to be governed by the rule of law. It leads to the division of the nation and the intensification of social conflicts. The Republican Party calls on the government to complete the investigation immediately and bring those responsible before a court, punishing them exemplarily so that no one dares again to take up arms against the people.

The chairman of the DP parliamentary group, Neritan Ceka, read this statement in the Assembly: The Democratic Party parliamentary group, expressing the will of its voters, who make up 40 percent of the Albanian electorate, maintains that the meeting of the People’s Assembly should be postponed until those responsible for the killing of 4 people and the wounding of 56 others in the city of Shkodër have been identified. Like the entire Albanian people, this group had awaited the opening of the pluralist Assembly’s proceedings as the greatest event in the establishment of democracy in our country. The Shkodër massacre, carried out by the dark forces in power, not only struck the peaceful population of this city a severe blow, but also created an atmosphere of insecurity and tension in which democratic activities cannot continue. For this reason, we consider the identification and punishment of those responsible for the political killings in Shkodër a basic guarantee for the normal functioning of the pluralist parliament and for putting an end to political terror. As early as 2 April, DP deputies from the Shkodër district denounced state terror and political killings, intervening to calm the situation. They called for the immediate establishment of an investigative commission, in which they cooperated with all forces, and also put forward the just demand that the convening of the People’s Assembly be made conditional on the progress of the investigation. Although the facts were clear and the perpetrators of the crime fully identifiable, the Investigative Commission has, astonishingly, made only general and contradictory statements to date. It is clear that this is due to the biased positions of the deeply politicized law-enforcement and judicial bodies involved in these investigations. How is it possible that the murderers and those who ordered them have not been uncovered, when the use of weapons by the law-enforcement forces is governed by established and monitored rules? (Continued on page 4-4)