It was a historic, memorable moment. On Sunday, the pluralist People's Assembly immediately repealed and rejected the 1976 Constitution as a fundamental law harmful to Albania. The hall breathed freely, as if released from the shackles of a regressive code, to which many of the sufferings of this martyred people are linked. We are glad that even the Communists themselves rejected it, only much too late. And yet, at that moment I could not forget Enver Hoxha's praise for that «work» of his, about which he said: «... The Constitution of the People's Socialist Republic of Albania constitutes a document of great theoretical and practical importance, which will serve the complete and successful construction of socialism in our country». And it really served so successfully that we cannot find words to describe the benefits socialism brought us through it! It had been a Constitution «among the most democratic», but the people could not manage to understand it, nor even «American imperialism, Soviet social-imperialism and their lackeys», who «worry» about socialist Albania, about how it will live and develop by its own strength without taking loans from capitalists and revisionists. Now they are worrying about us because we insist on those miserable aid funds and loans which, «in whatever form they are given, Roshi was the one who helped bring RTV and the official press under the direction and subordination of Parliament. But why only them? Why should there not also be such requests from the Communists, when these have become vital for the people? Nevertheless, our response goes to those Communist deputies who supported these proposals, and even pleaded, as in the case of Mr. Fatos Nano, for the vote to be held again, saying a mistake was being made. And despite the desire for consensus, a mistake was made. Mr. Bashkim Kopliku's proposal, so fundamental to the organization of our life, that the heads of institutions and enterprises be appointed according to their educational qualifications and after approval by the relevant collective, fell on deaf ears. Many Communist deputies may have had their interests affected, because they are used to making appointments from above, often on the basis of friendship or party preference, sowing incompetence and bringing Albania to this abyss, unacceptable to everyone. Thus, consensus was broken. And not only over this proposal. During that exhausting work, in several other cases too (over lesser matters), the monist tendency of the Communist deputies was evident; nevertheless, efforts were also visible to overcome themselves and that half-century of rigidity. If it is possible to say so, they managed to reach the approval of these laws, up to the point where the demands of the Party of Labour for a basic pluralist legal document were met. But when it came to electing the President, monism appeared in its traditional, most classic form. No longer was it said that the demands of the parliamentary groups should be brought together in the spirit of understanding; instead, the red «veto» was imposed. Understandably, it could not have happened otherwise when they have the majority and want to retain parliamentary leadership themselves. What happened in Parliament when Ramiz Alia and Namik Dokle were nominated for the post of President? The deputies of the Party of Labour (with the exception of Mr. Dritëro Agolli and a couple of others) hymned the virtues of Ramiz Alia. They found only great merits in him, forgetting his shortcomings, which the people talk about, because we live in pluralism and democracy. On the other hand, the Democratic Party deputies (except Preç Zogaj, Besnik Mustafai, to some extent Napoleon Roshi, and one or two others) saw only the shortcomings of this candidate. They accused him of bearing responsibility, as the country's chief leader, for its catastrophic condition economically and socially, for the exodus, for the slowness and lateness of his actions; there was even an uncultured comparison or two. Thus, as a bloc, the Democratic Party was ...their own affairs,” who “feel sorry” for socialist Albania, wondering how it will live and develop through its own efforts without taking loans from capitalists and revisionists. Now they feel sorry for us because we insist on those wretched aid packages and loans which, “in whatever form they are granted, seek to undermine freedom, independence and sovereignty...” Yes, may that isolationist, megalomaniacal, anti-national stance be forgotten, because the era of Stalinist-Enverist slogans has ended and this has been enshrined in the laws of this Parliament. Time was spent on them; discussions were even held about minor, insignificant matters that could and should have been avoided. But the main thing was the mutual understanding of the two opposing forces, their consensus. Without denying the Labour Party’s contribution to it, it is worth emphasizing the truth that it was the opposition MPs—specifically, those of the Democratic Party—who put the prepared draft under a “beneficial” spotlight, to give Albania and democracy more breathing room. While the Communists remained almost entirely within the framework of the draft, the Democrats broadened that breathing room. They made the proposals that matter most to the people. They became the people’s principal spokespeople, leaving behind the rigidity of the Labour Party MPs and going beyond the limits of the wording presented. It was Nataša Lako, that respected and patriotic woman, who strongly demanded that the depoliticization of the army and our life be included in a separate article. It was Mr. Gramoz Pashko who insisted that the activities of the new independent trade unions be included in a separate article. It was Mr. Napoleon Such a mistake should not have been repeated. And a candidate was chosen who arouses aversion in every democrat, because Mr. Dokle is the editor-in-chief of that newspaper which, in its tragic vocabulary, has risen up against everyone who seeks to express their opinion freely. This is not to say that I want to defend “Rilindja Demokratike.” It is a disgrace, a great disgrace for Albania. Such a candidacy is an insult to the people—yes, well, what hasn’t this people learned to live with! I still feel as though I am living through those discussions. It was the first time that opinions were openly expressed in the People’s Assembly, with courage and conviction. And the people who made the strongest impression on our hearts were the most balanced. Dritëro Agolli affirmed the values, but also made requests for the future and offered criticism. Preç Zogaj cannot be forgotten: alongside discussing shortcomings and merits, he spoke with honesty and maturity about the very particular position Mr. Ramiz Alia had occupied, working and living amid an environment with so many incapable conservatives. Rightly, he, like all the democrats, called for the President to break with the past and with nostalgia for the practices of a system that collapsed everywhere in the world, and to keep in mind not the party, but Albania. We want this with all our hearts and hope he will do it. Then he will be remembered by history. Good luck, Mr. President, for the good of the people, of democracy, and of Albania. Let us leave behind the past and dogma, whether red or green, and move toward a better future, toward that Europe we love but still do not know how we will reach.

- This highly fundamental issue is passed over lightly in the parliamentary debate - I was surprised that the provision stipulating that the People's Assembly has the right to adopt a new Constitution passed through Parliament without debate or discussion, whereas hours of debate were devoted to other provisions that will remain in force only until the adoption of the new Constitution. I thought the deputies would consider, above all, how and by whom the new Constitution would be adopted, this fundamental document for Albania's perhaps centuries-long future, but I was disappointed. Strangely, Deputy Baleta too, who during the earlier debate on the Constitution had proposed that the Constitution should be adopted by a Constituent Assembly, did not raise this issue when the aforementioned provision was discussed. I was very glad when «Republika», through an article by Eduard Zaloshnja dated 28.4.1991, publicly raised its voice on this matter. Although the Republican Party is outside Parliament (through no fault of its own), I believe that, in cooperation with the other opposition parties, it will do everything possible to have the provision concerning the functions of the People's Assembly reconsidered, with a view to repealing it. Without intending to repeat the aforementioned article, I am trying in these lines to explain the fact debate or discussion. I say this because under a proportional system all entities that received votes in the elections would be represented in the Assembly, and the vote shares of the entities would also be different if this system were applied. Even the entities that managed to enter the Assembly as a result of the majoritarian system are not represented there by their most capable people. Without wishing to offend certain cooperative chairmen, doctors or zootechnicians, who are the most honest people in the areas that elected them, I think that the absence from the Assembly of such figures as Ramiz Alia, Aleks Luarasi, Muhamet Kapllani, Eduard Selami, etc., undoubtedly lowers the level of representation of the entities in the Assembly when the issue is such a serious document as the Constitution, and not laws dealing with current, concrete problems that can also be resolved by the deputies we have today. Another shortcoming of this Assembly is that it has very few lawyers. (This lack must have caught the eye of anyone following the Assembly's proceedings.) Having as many lawyers as possible in an assembly where the Constitution will be discussed and adopted would undoubtedly ... competence for all the voters' preferences. of the majoritarian system were will be discussed and adopted would undoubtedly ... Without doubt, the best way to overcome this defect is the one proposed by Mr. Zaloshnja, but another, perhaps less contentious, way would be to transform the People's Assembly into a Constituent Assembly, adding other deputies from all the parties, regardless of whether some of them are currently not taking part in Parliament. This addition could be made through elections under the proportional system or, to avoid elections, other deputies could be added, selected by the parties themselves, on the condition that once the number of deputies has been set (for example, 300), each party has a number of seats corresponding to the votes it received in the elections of 31 March. Under this latter option, the parties that did not participate in the elections would be left out of the Assembly, but by consensus they too could be given some representation, even if minimal. Confident that this Constituent Assembly will decide that the next Albanian parliament should be organized according to the European bicameral system (a chamber of deputies, a senate), which was also the form of the Albanian parliament in the 1920s, I believe that after the adoption of the new Constitution [text cut off] we should move as quickly as possible toward elections for the new parliament, which will have genuine political legitimacy to bring Albania into the fold of democratic Europe. TOMORR GJERGJI ensure that the provision concerning the functions of the People’s Assembly is reviewed once again, with a view to repealing it. Claiming that I want to avoid repeating the aforementioned article, I will try in these lines to expand on the argument made by its author. If the People’s Assembly had emerged from proportional elections, it could also have had the powers of a Constituent Assembly, able to discuss and adopt the new Constitution. But as it is now

It is now known to everyone that the gold kept in the treasury of the former National Bank of Albania was seized by the German Nazis and taken to Germany. It is now known to everyone that the gold kept in the treasury of the former National Bank of Albania was seized by the German Nazis and taken to Germany, After the capitulation of Nazi Germany, this gold was taken by the British and deposited in British banks, where it remains to this day. But to this day no one knows the exact value of this gold or its composition. The question arises: Are there documents about the value and composition of this gold? From 1947 to 1950 I was deputy general director of the State Bank of Albania. At that time our government had brought the matter of the return of this gold by the British authorities before the International Court of Justice in The Hague. One day Mr. Lluka Joanidhi, then an official of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, came to my office and asked me for information about the value and composition of this Albanian gold, as it was needed for the efforts being made to recover it. I called into the office the head of the department responsible for the treasury and asked whether there was such a document as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs had requested. A short while later he returned and brought a separate sheet (a list) on which the overall value of the gold and its composition were recorded. I gave this list only a quick glance and then handed it to Mr. Lluka Joanidhi, so I do not remember precisely either the total value or the composition of I know for certain that the value of this gold was over 8 million gold francs, and that it consisted partly of gold coins and partly of gold ingots (bars). I do not remember the value of the coins or of the ingots, because, as I explained above, I gave the document only a quick reading. One thing, however, is certain: until 1950, when I was deputy director general of the Bank, the document concerning the gold existed both at the State Bank and at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs asked me to [unclear] its [representative?], Lluka Joanidhi, and I pointed out that, although a very long time had passed, this document ought to be in the Albanian gold reserves of the State Bank, rather than arbitrarily in English banks—a file that can never be accessed because, as far as I know, this matter has still not been definitively resolved between our government and the English government and, as we all know, this issue has been the main obstacle to restoring diplomatic relations between the two countries. PJETËR DEDA Former Deputy Director General of the Albanian State Bank [Fragment begins mid-sentence:] ...the gold treasury and its composition. A year and a half later, when Lluka Joanidhi, in his capacity as an official of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, this Albanian gold, although it was needed for the efforts then being made to have it returned, I called the head of the department responsible for the treasury into my office he returned and brought a distinguishing sheet (list) on which the total glanced quickly at this list composition of About 5–6 years ago, when I was retired, the secretary of the Director General of the State Bank came to my home and conveyed his request that I come, if possible immediately, to take part in an urgent consultation meeting about an important issue. I went at once, and in the Director General’s office I found two former colleagues of mine from the State Bank, Mr. Ramllan Konduri (who had died about two years earlier) and Mr. Lekë Andoni. The Director General told me that he had invited us to consult about the value and composition of the Albanian gold held in London. My two former colleagues who were present at the meeting said that they had no concrete knowledge of the matter, whereas I reminded the Director General of the list I had handed over about ten years earlier

Interview with Mr. William E. Ryerson, delegate of the United States of America until the embassy opens in Albania, given to our editor, who followed the proceedings of the People's Assembly — Mr. William, we saw you following the proceedings of our first pluralist parliament with great interest, so we are turning to you to ask you to say a few words about your impressions. Would you be able to? — I have attended every session since Friday. One of them made an impression on me. To be frank, I must tell you that I have been deeply struck by the eloquence of your deputies. The members of Parliament also displayed considerable tolerance, worthy of envy, especially in light of the history of the recent past. It is a rare opportunity to follow the proceedings of a parliament that has not been declared a constituent assembly and to hear about all that has been achieved in the field of human rights, which had been denied for so long and have found concrete expression here as well. (continued on page 4)

After many years of celebrating May 1 with countless slogans and parades, with cheers voiced aloud but not from the heart, this year the holiday was marked by genuine success. The Independent Trade Union Federation. There were no grand ceremonies or parades, but workers can be certain of one thing: they celebrated May 1 economically poor, but free and determined to fight and work for a truly democratic life, for the prosperity of socialism, for the flourishing of the Fatherland. «Republika»

In recent days, the Tirana branch of the Republican Party has organized meetings in various production and residential areas of the capital to explain the party's program and establish sections. The chairman of the Republican Party's Initiative Commission, Sabri Godo, also took part in the meeting held at the Valias mine, where he spoke to those present about the current situation in the country and the party's tasks. The Tirana branch has also held meetings at the Mëzezi enterprise, the Kashar cooperative, and the villages of Gurre and Yrshek, Cerkëz, etc., where Republican Party sections were also established. The discussions covered problems relating to the situation in the countryside, land and agriculture, giving to the villagers and the progre- (continued on page 4)