Mr. Fatos Nano presented the platform of the government program and its composition. It was a realistic analysis. It is the first time in this half-century that a prime minister of Albania has told the truth as it is. It would have been good if the prime minister had made this statement at the many meetings he held during the election campaign, but, anyway, we accept it even now. On the one hand, this shows that he is a realist, who does not try to hide things, as his predecessors have been in the habit of doing all their lives; on the other hand, it tells us: this is the situation, do not expect much from me, at a time when the people expect much from their new government. It is understandable that this communist, with vision and reformed, is truly in a very difficult position. That is why he called on all parties to form a coalition government. You communist gentlemen thought of this rather late, because if you had truly wanted what was best for Albania and not for the Party of Labour, you would have made the electoral law proportional. Then each party would have had its own representatives, and the coalition would have come about naturally. And I would have torn it away from the people, from subjectivism. There is no need to mention them all, since there are many mistakes. And yet he has the courage to present a contemporary program. A program that smells of true spring, although it lacks the main foundation for its realization; it has no money, nor does it tell us precisely where the money is, because without funds such plans remain only dreams. We are used to them, to inflated plans, to projects on paper that were cut back one after another for lack of funds. In this respect, the Party of Labour is leaving Mr. Nano’s government like an orphan, as it itself washes its hands of state administration; and it will bear all the responsibility for the country’s future, for our tables, which need the most modest food ration in Europe and perhaps in some other continents as well. Meanwhile, the prime minister wants the decline of the economy to be halted and the economy put on the path to stabilization. This is to be achieved through increased wages and participation in profits. Let us pause over the wage increases. They are a necessity of the times. But how can our economy—and the new government, with its treasury transferring funds from one block of villas to other villas (only outside it)—manage this? And again we say that the program warms our hearts, but it also chilled them when not a single figure was given: how much this or that state, this or that company, will contribute. They have been welcome for more than a year, but we have not seen anywhere the foundations being laid for any significant investment. That is why dozens of enigmatic questions arise, keeping our hopes alive, even though we know that the people are waiting—and waiting for a great deal. They would like the opposition to be in the coalition too; they would like Albania to begin walking on its own feet and not to become poorer on all fours, but... Ah, these poets of the Party of Labour’s victory, who fill us with both pain and doubts, making me wonder whether I am wrong to write this way or that. Yes, dear reader, we will make mistakes too, when no precise and concrete information about the future is given to us. But we would like to make fewer mistakes than Mr. Nano did when he nominated Gra-moz Ruçi as chairman of the National Security Committee. The Democratic Party, through Sali Berisha, wanted to make a statement. As we learned from those responsible, they were to leave parliament in protest. Mr. Berisha was not given the floor. The session was suspended, followed by several tedious adjournments. The reason? On Monday and Tuesday, because an opposition minister was not accepted. Is a candidate for committee chairman really of such great importance that the consensus—which also brought us joy in this historic assembly—should be sacrificed? Does this not show that there is no real intention to reform, that once again authoritarian methods are raising their heads, and the party’s “dignity” is coming to the fore, creating, almost inadvertently, a rift in the consensus that had been achieved and so ardently desired? At a time when we are waiting for the state to be unblocked and for it to function normally, parliament loses two effective working days over an insistence to… (Continued on page 3) … a one-party government. As a vote, the communist gentlemen remembered this, Albania—why not for the Party of Labour as well—you have been natural. And now, when you have fulfilled your desire to hold on to power at any cost, why should there be a coalition? Only so that the world will accept Albania as pluralist? Only so that we can receive the aid we await as salvation, but which, because we are a one-party state, is being delayed, may be limited, or may not be given at all?! Thus, by creating a government with specialist ministers belonging only to the Party of Labour, the difficulties of changing the situation may increase, because our catastrophic economy needs investment, not jokes. The Party of Labour promises that it will definitively break with everything wrong in the past (this is not being entirely borne out in parliament): with the restriction of democracy in economic and social life, with the party-power double act, with bureaucracy, and with the privileges of some, with

IN SEARCH OF ALBANIAN GOLD Mr. Teodor Keko’s article “The Enigma of Some of the Albanian Gold,” published in the newspaper “Rilindja Demokratike” on 15.2.1991, has aroused great interest among the public. In a notice by the Bank of the Albanian State, ZP, on 10.3.1991, the issue is minimized, with the figure for gold collected by the State Security organs described as unrealistic, on the basis of some average per-capita figures that are unconvincing. From 1947 to 1950, I worked as deputy general director of the State Bank. I have been asked to express my opinion on this matter, and it is precisely in order to fulfill this task that I am writing this article. During that period, there were two deputy general directors at the State Bank, and each of us had designated areas of management and oversight. The treasury sector was under the responsibility of my colleague and friend, the late Sali Budo, who died several years ago. The enigma of Albanian gold collected up to the end of 1948 consists of two main questions: 1. Is the figure given in Mr. Teodor Keko’s article accurate? 2. Where did all this gold end up? I will give my opinion on both questions. As for the figure of 43,816,682 coins, I believe it is true, for the following reasons: (Continued on page 2) I tried to persuade him that if you passed such a law, the owner who had buried the gold one metre underground would bury it another metre through the Bank. b) Albania was the country richest in gold in the Balkans, because Albanians did not trust paper money and always preferred to conduct buying and selling and other transactions in gold or silver.

a) The figure was taken by the author from the magazine “Në shërbim të Popullit,” the official organ of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. In the article “When They Laid the Economic Foundations of People’s Power,” written by Mr. Nuri Mehmeti, praise is lavished on the Security organs, which carried out extraordinarily extensive work to uncover this gold. But this major operation, carried out through methods of violence and psychological and physical pressure, was illegal, because no law prohibits citizens from owning and keeping gold or foreign currency. In this connection, I remind readers of a conversation held at the beginning of 1947 with Nako Spiro, former member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the PPSH, who was then charged with economic affairs. He came to my office and said to me: “The Political Bureau is considering issuing a law requiring people to report gold. What do you think?” I replied that if they issued such a law, an owner who had buried gold a meter underground would bury it another meter deeper. He laughed and left. Then the law that is still in force today was passed; it leaves the possession of gold unrestricted but limits buying and selling to transactions through the Bank. He also intended to keep his savings and capital in gold or silver. Distrust of banknotes became even more deeply rooted among Albanians as a whole, especially after the unexpected collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire following the First World War, which had catastrophic consequences for those holding large quantities of Austrian banknotes in other countries. Those banknotes lost all value, whereas the part of Albania occupied by Austria-Hungary scarcely felt this consequence at all, precisely thanks to Albanians’ distrust of banknotes. The opposite happened in highly economically developed countries such as Germany, the USA, etc., where the use of gold or silver coins as a means of payment became an obstacle to the development and conduct of commercial transactions, which were increasing at an extraordinarily rapid pace. Hence arose the need to replace gold and silver coins with banknotes in order to handle and stimulate this rapid expansion of buying and selling. As a result, in economically developed countries, savers and capitalists did not think of converting their savings and capital into gold and keeping them as unproductive capital; instead, they converted them into shares or profitable investments. It is precisely for this reason that the criterion followed by the State Bank in the notice published in the aforementioned ZP, in my opinion…

All kinds of policies, wherever they are formulated and by whoever formulates them, should accord with this English aphorism. The Forum for the Protection of Human Rights, although not affiliated with any party or political organization, cannot remain outside politics as it works to establish its mission. But at the foundation of this policy is the struggle for honesty. Is it enough for this struggle to be waged only because of flagrant violations of the law? No, because the law itself may be interpreted correctly or in different ways; because no legislation, however democratic and perfect it may be considered, can fit within its framework all the moral principles and norms that protect and ennoble human dignity. But this is what we must strive for. And for this there is an inner voice that calls out, alongside the law: the voice of honor. Is it honorable, in the society we wish to join, to continue keeping the names of distinguished people anonymous—scholars, political scientists, historians—as in the case of Vezi Bukharasë in Berat, the talented translators of «Gjylsitanit dhe Bostanit», who made Saadi speak Albanian? His name, and the names of many others in Albania who, through their work, enriched the body of Albanian historiography, linguistics, culture and science in general, have been abandoned and forgotten. Although their work is used, they themselves were spiritually and physically persecuted only because they thought and believed differently from what the red era—which is now being “renewed”—dictated. So there: the law may justify silence forever, but the voice of honor can rise above laws, because honor is an eternal concept, while the law is temporary. The Berat branch of the Forum for Human Rights has also been guided by this principle of morality, that is, by honesty. At its founding, from its very first meeting under the direction of its respected chairman, Dr. Myer Dishnica, the Berat branch of the Forum felt the weight of the many different tasks it would have to shoulder. This is a great responsibility. And because of this burden, we will not cease to struggle in this field too, as we did over the disposal of mining waste, which flowing waters have been unable to carry to the wide, clear and calm sea. But it is also a great honor to contribute to lifting the burden that has weighed for decades on the people’s shoulders. We do not want to be like Sisyphus, with our burden rolling back down the mountain every time we carry it to the summit. No, we want it to stay up there, on the summit of Tomorri, where the rays of the newly risen sun will melt the enormous mass, and pure waters will carry away the sterile material (poverty, depersonalization, the trampling of human beings), while the precious metal (dignity, justice, freedom, honesty) shines beneath those rays. struggle in this field too. With the Berat branch of the Forum for the Protection of Human Rights Berat, the talented Albanians of «Gjylsitan and Bostan», the heritage of Albanian historiography, linguistics, culture and science in general—an Albania that we have abandoned and left to oblivion. Although their work was exploited, they themselves were abused, spiritually and physically, red era that is now being «renewed» dictated. So, the law may legitimize silence forever, but a clear voice can rise above the laws, because honor is an eternal notion, whereas the law is temporary. It is this morality, that of honesty, which has also guided the Berat Branch of the Forum for Human Rights. Established at its very first meeting under the leadership of its distinguished felt the weight of the many kinds of responsibilities it would bear. This is a great responsibility, Albanians talented in «Gjylsitan and Bostan», who made Saadi speak Albanian?

reportage In the daily life of a person, brigade, enterprise or city, work is central to the structure of the day. But in the city of Kavaja, it has disappeared from people’s lives. From the lives of those people who consciously and so devotedly long for it. There was once a time when work sought out the worker. That was then, but it is no longer so. For the people of Kavaja, work has now become distant and is almost turning into a fate. The signs of paralysis appeared long ago, although the communist party officials once persistently concealed the truth. Paralysis has now gripped the city’s entire life. The paralysis of work. There is no more noise. There is no more movement in Kavaja’s enterprises. There is only stillness, a painful, unbearable stillness, hostile to the working person. It has been brought about entirely by the lack of raw materials, which the government of the dictatorship of the proletariat had “planned in a synchronized manner.” How terrible! What suffering it causes to people burdened by hardship, who calculate their fifteen-day budget down to the last qindarkë. It is midday when we enter one of the bolt factories. People are warming themselves in the sun. They chat listlessly. What else can they do? For several years this unit has not worked regularly, and since January of this year it has been almost completely paralyzed. There is no katankë (raw material for the factory). The workers have been engaged in work for only a few days. Kujtim Sinella, head of the planning department, says that the factory has received only 1,009 tons of steel katankë, out of the 3,500 tons planned. Only 100 tons have arrived from imports, when 600 were supposed to come. The tools have not arrived either. Alas! The factory and its people are in a desperate plight! But, as the people say, there is no end to misfortune. The enterprise has more than 600 contracts with other enterprises throughout Albania, and the paralysis of this plant spreads its arms and grips that part of the country’s economy too. The factory produces nothing. But it must pay the penalty for breaching its contracts. The factory seeks katankë in Elbasan. It asks the committee and all the way up to the government. The enterprise’s managers travel around and make efforts, but to no avail. And in a telegram sent the other day, the government apparently instructed them to go to Elbasan. The director rushed there, but there will be no katankë for another month. Another month! Can that really be true? How many months have gone by with the same answer? The workers are worried. They have not even received their full wages, let alone anything else... About ten percent of the workforce work here as family members. So a couple may end up receiving 300 lek less. The factory pays 700,000 lek in wages at 80 percent. There is no more accumulation. The factory is consuming itself. And the worker too. Bankruptcy is a very real prospect under these circumstances. Mr. Nano’s government is offering no solution. And this concerns a one-of-a-kind enterprise in Albania. Amid the catastrophe that has befallen the enterprise and its workers, even the difficult working conditions seem to have been forgotten, along with other demands. Conditions at this factory are difficult, especially in the bolt department and in some other sections… (Continued on page 2) The minister seeks to halt the decline of the economy and set it on the path to stabilization. This will be achieved through increases in wages and in the share of profits. Let us consider how can our economy, and the new government with an empty treasury, raise wages?! All the more so since, as we know, recently workers in several sectors have gone on strike for the most basic conditions of life. And then there is the chronic affliction of the 80 percent—that roughly 40,000 workers who are paid without producing material goods—which is turning into gangrene! The prime minister calls for the strikes to be stopped. I wholeheartedly agree with him, because as an individual I have also lived on little, but it is difficult for the people to endure any longer. They have been badly governed, have sacrificed themselves, have lost hope and trust, and can bear no more. Forty-six years were enough to wear them down. A troubling, unsettling mindset prevails. No worker wants self-sacrifice to continue when luxury cars and, in general, the lives of senior bureaucrats are not changing—or are not being trumpeted as a sacrifice…

According to a document published in Vienna, the Independent Union of Albanian Miners has joined the International Federation of Trade Unions. According to the executive secretary of the International Federation of Miners, based in Brussels, the Independent Union of Albanian Miners was unanimously accepted as a member at the meeting held last Saturday in Vienna. Mines are a very important part of Albanian industry. There is no doubt that miners were at the forefront of the groups demanding democracy and the restoration of human rights, the statement emphasizes.

They say that any employee may freely request early retirement after a period of service that entitles them to 60 percent of their salary. But there’s a catch: to actually retire, you have to petition a special commission. (A letter to the directorate is apparently not enough.) The reply may take so long that the employee reaches the desired retirement age before it arrives. • • • A few years ago, to change a building in central Tirana, one had to get permission from the Prime Minister’s Office. But for the construction of the hotel by the firm «Iliria Holding», a single stamp from the executive committee of the k.p. in one of Tirana’s districts was enough. No comment is necessary. The Observer