The end of monism, the end of the half-century-long communist dictatorship, was entered into the annals of Albanian history on June 4, 1991. It was monism’s painful farewell, after a day of events that lasted until midnight, while Parliament waited anxiously. Meanwhile, the question was being asked not only by MPs but also by the people: “How can this government not resign, when more than 300,000 workers are on a general strike and nearly 1,000 miners and other workers are on hunger strikes?! How is it possible when the 100 Valias miners are heading toward death?!” But Mr. Nano did not have the courage to do so. Indeed, nearly 20 days had passed before the President, Mr. Ramiz Alia, accepted the government’s resignation, after the political parties had reached a consensus. Once again, far too late. A folk saying goes: “Better late than never.” But we got rid of this new government as well as the dictatorship so late, after it had damaged not only our health but also our souls. Still, with the government of stability and social peace that we will have for one year, until the new early elections, we have removed monism and declared it finished. Albania can breathe freely and move forward unencumbered. This is a historic success, perhaps the greatest since Liberation Day, November 29, 1944, because in this way our beloved Homeland will once again rejoin the world, will receive reze[?] ... [Column continues in the visible section:] ... positions, and not only those who have retired? Anyway, time will tell. It is for the courts, if they are to be courts indeed, to do their duty before the people. And let what happened with the Enver association not happen again: its initiators were summoned and told verbally that there was no reason to approve such an association as long as the Party of Labour, founded by Enver, existed, but... (ah, that wretched “but”), they forgot to return the documents or provide a written answer, and after the deadline passed, this illegal association became legal in the eyes of the law! There is nothing you can do about it: a dictatorship, which has nothing in common with the rule of law, accepts these tricks too. For if the system had been established and respected, it would not have been rejected since ancient Greece. And whenever it was repeated at different times in one state or another, whether in black, green, or red, it brought shame everywhere. After that disgrace, Albania lies in ruins. The new government, that of Mr. Ylli Bufi, with ministers who will not engage in party life for a year, will begin amid an exceedingly painful poverty. But it should not be afraid. It must not forget the people’s heart, which must not and will not abandon it, if they truly see it as a government for the people, for Albania. We will build Albania ourselves, with our own hands and blood, this country whose natural landscape and beauty arouse the envy of every visitor. We will make it so that those who left in the tragic exodus of ... recent days will return to their motherland. For we too deserve and want to become like the rest of the world. Yes, yes, we will work, with our sleeves rolled up. Have we done any work so far? No, never; the worker’s sweat merely went to the leeches of a life of pleasure, to abuses in every field. Even productivity was low, and the level of development below every international benchmark. We hope the new government will break with this practice, because democracy requires recognition of the effort and sweat of workers and peasants, so that they feel—not through slogans—that they are the owners of the factory and the land, but can enjoy this ownership through the products and earnings of their own labor. We would wish Mr. Ylli Bufi’s new government success in its work for Albania, which we, as representatives of true pluralism, say has been saved once and for all from the infamous Stalinist-Enverist dogma, in order to enter the path of prosperity. It is the path that Samiu and Naimi, long ago, marked out toward Europe as an immortal legacy. Strangely, through pronounced political myopia and spiritual malice, the communists shut this world off with an iron wall, barbed wire, and little gates through which only they, the red leaders, could pass. At last, they have not only left power but are waiting with fearful hearts, lest some mistake be made and justice... do its job. GURI DHIMO

Yesterday, the President of the Republic of Albania, Ramiz Alia, summoned the leaders of the political parties to hear their views regarding the appointment of the new prime minister. This paves the way for further discussions concerning the composition of the cabinet. But the parties are waiting. Why? While everyone talks about an “emergency,” about the country’s urgent need for a government of stabilization, a government that will lead the country out of the strikes and the hollowing-out crisis, a government that will take the first steps toward getting people back to work, the parties in Parliament are engaging in discussions about other matters. As the Republican Party, we are compelled to call on the other parties to resume talks today, with absolute priority, valuing every hour and minute. Legally, until the new government is formed, the current government remains in office. In reality, however, the paralysis of the entire state apparatus has deepened further, which is wholly unacceptable. INITIATING COMMISSION OF PRSH [The text begins mid-sentence] ...we have a year until the new early elections; we have cast monism off our shoulders. a historic success, perhaps the greatest since Liberation Day, 29 November again join the world and receive a ray of light. As I write these lines, I cannot forget 1985–1986, when the American magazine «The American News and World Report», among the many personalities who had died that year, also published a photograph of Enver Hoxha with the caption: «For 40 years he kept Albania isolated from the world». From this isolation flowed the tragic consequences we are now experiencing as a result of that infamous dictatorship behind the communist Iron Curtain. Efforts to break out of that vicious circle after the death of Zeus were feeble, sluggish and, at times, zigzagging, until the day came when the people became conscious and the Albanian communists, despite winning the election, asked the opposition for help in governing the country. I believe this will be a unique case in the world, when a party, even though it wins, feels that it is no longer capable of holding on to power or calming a people who have been systematically plundered and impoverished. Nevertheless, painfully, using tricks and cunning to prolong its life, we came to this unforgettable moment, when such a huge mass of people rose up for their denied rights. The result: farewell to dictatorship, farewell to the paradise life of the Bllok, to the dollars for all sorts of whims and pleasures, farewell to dollars and abuses. And, to save this beach villa, some democrats also come forward—or he, today some firebrand communists also come forward, who left nothing unsaid in slandering the opposition, yet dare to raise their voices from their podium about the monstrous abuses of some who have been involved in abuses, some who have been among the sacrificed. Could it be that the people have forgotten that those abuses were not confined to them, and that other abuses too were not the preserve of the Political Bureau, whether among its ranks—in fact, every member of the Political Bureau, whether in… [The text begins mid-sentence] ...as if not to see [some] opportunism? We can tell you frankly that, as the opposition, we considered the countryside difficult to win over both before and after 31 March. The relative stability of our agriculture, although at a low level, appealed to the peasant. The peasantry, as a social stratum not inclined toward immediate change, supported the PP’s program, which guaranteed this stability when it declared that: given the conditions in our country, with its limited agricultural land, an advanced agrarian system based on cooperatives as profitable economic entities is in the interest of the peasantry itself and of the whole people. But times changed much faster than we had expected. Whereas until 31 March the peasantry seemed calm and removed from the major social movements for the democratization of the country, after the elections it was deeply disappointed by the decisions of the PP’s monist government, which confronted it with highly complex problems such as land ownership, the dissolution of cooperatives, and the entire chain of issues associated with it. Now it has become involved in a…

In recent days ZP has been very nervous. And rightly so. The donkey may have died, but the flies still won’t leave it alone. Alarmed, it observes that the countryside is slipping out of its hands, and says the government is not to blame, but rather the powerful speculative attacks supposedly launched by the opposition and, in particular, the newspaper “Republika.” For PP supporters, the bride is always to blame when things go wrong. But matters stand quite differently. We can tell you sincerely that this is an unprecedented uproar. Abandoned by PP, left in the lurch amid the road and its troubles, the rural population is seeking guidance, seeking the path to a new democratic stability. This, of course, can only be provided by the opposition and, in particular, PR, with its program so closely aligned with the peasant’s outlook and the concrete conditions of our country. In many regions of the country, and especially in the hilly areas[?] ... The situation is no better in the NB. This whole picture has unfolded and continues to unfold spontaneously, without any legal guidance or restrictions, according to the customs and mindsets of each village. Of course, there has been justice, but also injustice, although we claim to have a renewed state governed by law. The reason? Gentlemen of ZP, the countryside went through three bouts of fever in a single year, and ... the opposition is not at all to blame for these. The first fever: Last year, the cooperatives and NB were divided up. This act was carried out without any criteria, without any study and without taking anything into account, dismantling the entire economic structure built over time. The mountain and hill villages paid the heaviest price, having been joined to the plains and left completely exposed. But the allocation of two dynym and a cow calmed the situation somewhat. For the peasant, like an accomplished accountant, the sums worked out well for his standard of living and level of understanding. Two dynym, the cow, the small cooperative, food security, the right to sell surpluses, etc., satisfied him. But, before the ink on the ballots had dried, as if entering a race against the opposition, Nano demanded things prematurely. On 18.4.1991 he made a number of declarations highly favorable to the countryside, revealing that cooperative members’ incomes were lower than those of the working class, which ... HYSEN ÇOBANI (Continued on page 2) [The text begins mid-sentence] ...is slipping out of its hands, and the government is not to blame for this, but rather the powerful speculative attacks supposedly mounted by the opposition, and especially by the newspaper «Republika». For PP supporters, the truth always turns things upside down. But matters stand quite differently. in a…

— INTERVIEW WITH WILLIAM E. RYERSON, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE EMBASSY IN TIRANA, GIVEN TO JOURNALIST PETRO DHIMITRI. — Mr. William, what do you think of the decision to form a new government with the participation of all the political parties? — I think the reaction of your own people answers that question. — Do you think this government will be good for Albania? — It is clear that a government that has the people’s confidence will be good for Albania. — Will the USA intervene in the country to improve Albania’s democratic situation? — The USA is happy to see the beginning of a new period in your country’s political problems. Albania. — What do you think about aspects of cooperation? — I think this assistance should begin with the government and, Prime Minister Fatos Nano had said that his government had a great deal to do in the field of education. I think this statement will be essential for every government of Albania, to help the country understand how a market economy works. We can make literature on economics available to you for this purpose. I think this is just one example. Also, the natural increase in travel and contacts between specialists in this country and in the country in the broader sense, as well as between experts who have been separated for many years, things such as various forms of assistance and businessmen, and whether they will be of value in the long term? — Precisely, how can one proceed in the field of investment? — As you may know, in a market economy investments are not decided by the state, but by the leaders of the various firms and companies themselves. They are interested in going to see what can be done in Albania, and then they will agree on it. — And at the state level, since we will no longer be a communist country, will there be assistance or preferential treatment? — It is a great pleasure to improve Albania so that it can once again take its place in the world. Attention to Albania is growing in America. As I have also told Mr. Muhamet Kapllani, we have an advantage in our relations because 80,000–200,000 or more people with family ties to Albania live in the USA. Also, many people are... I’m telling you, yesterday I was told that here you would be... — Thank you for the interview. — You’re welcome. I am truly glad that the minorities, too, came out of the hunger strike.

At a meeting with representatives of the Greek Embassy in Tirana on 4.6.1991, BSPSH was informed that on 1.6.1991 the Greek government had allocated 20 million dollars for our people in the form of trade credit, food aid, etc. Humanitarian aid began arriving from Greece, and on 4.6.1991, 3–4 loaded trucks crossed through the Kakavija border post, with more to follow. The representatives of the Greek Embassy emphasized that the Greek people’s aid to the Albanian people is provided free of charge, may not be sold by the state, and is not intended only for the Greek minority but for the entire Albanian people, from Konispol to Vermosh. “Republika” correspondent

While receiving the thanks and the law on the use of weapons, Mr. Kiço Mustaqi strongly protested the attacks made on him by “Zëri i Popullit,” which he called deliberate and malicious. He said he wanted to ask President Ramiz Alia and the other PP secretaries whether he had made the law on the treatment of members of the Political Bureau, and stated that he had never submitted a request for privileges. If you want a full analysis of the privileges, carry on, he began with the 1956 Tirana Party Conference. The MP asked that, before crafty journalists criticize people in newspapers, they should at least talk to him first. Mr. Namik Dokle’s protest seemed empty, because as an MP and the people know that Mr. Kiço Mustaqi, given his short time as a senior party leader, has extracted from our driver far less than other people who are never mentioned in connection with these abuses, which are nothing other than a kind of theft characteristic of Enverian culture.

— Consensus among the parties, parliamentary groups, BSPSH. Nano’s government resigns. Ylli Bufi is appointed Prime Minister. Early elections will be held.