– A valuable victory for the opposition. Socialist deputies, although their party’s program supports state ownership of land, voted for its privatization – BEFORE A NEW SOCIAL RISK The offices of the Council of Ministers are working late into the night. Problems accumulated over half a century must be examined with due seriousness and as quickly as possible. The difficult economic situation and, as if that were not enough, the lack of public calm make every delay and sluggishness ten times more worrying and dangerous. The government of national stability, created by consensus among all political forces, is feverishly at work. The primary duty of all political and trade-union forces, and of society as a whole, is to provide assistance and help create the conditions for the government of national stability to work normally. Under no circumstances should new difficulties be created for it by making demand after demand at the wrong time and in the wrong place, by recommending impossible solutions and, worse still, by issuing “ultimatums.” In recent days, numerous petitions with all kinds of demands have flooded the office of Prime Minister Ylli Bufi. Most of the demands are entirely justified, but it is difficult to agree with the final part of some petitions: an ultimatum. But no one has the right to take the law into their own hands. Taking the law into one’s own hands opens the way to a new social risk, the consequences of which are difficult to predict. Democracy does not mean that everyone may do whatever they want, whenever they want and however they want. Democracy establishes the rule of law, places the law above everyone, and establishes discipline and order. In their petition, the residents of Block 1 in the town of Fierze make very legitimate demands concerning the supply of the population, housing, urban services and public order. They also lack drinking water, because the source is in a village in Pukë and the villagers cut off Fierze’s supply in order to irrigate their land. By what right? What are the executive committees of the district People’s Councils of Tropojë and Pukë doing to resolve this dispute? Surely the prime minister is not supposed to deal with this too? If these obstacles are not resolved, the petitioners say, they will stop work in the Fierze hydroelectric plant sectors, in transport, at NFP, etc. Surely this is not the most reasonable way to solve the problem? In the petition of the Trade Union Federation, [they demand] an increase of 8 to 25 percent, a free lunch in the factory canteen for all workers, and a 70 percent wage increase instead of 50 percent; beginning on 1.1.1992, the government should consider further wage increases of no less than double. Is that enough, brothers of the federation? To reach the point we need and want, even a fivefold increase on today’s wages might not be enough. But there is no way to imagine that this can be achieved by a pike’s command, or by threatening strikes. In some petitions, representatives of various professions emphasize that, according to international literature, their profession is among the most difficult and therefore deserves better material treatment. On this basis, the Trade Union Council of the Salt Enterprise in Vlorë is demanding that wages be doubled, starting at the beginning of the production season, that is, from 26.5.1991. And they consider this a minimum demand (?!). Otherwise… the strike is on! The metallurgists at the copper plant in Kukës and those in Kam-Tropojë are entirely justified in their demands. Their working and living conditions are the worst in the country. But no one has the right to threaten the state with actions of this kind. At first, the residents of the village of Bratile in Gramsh did not pay for the water they took for irrigation from the state enterprise. Then a low price was set, and later another, much higher one. (Hasty government decisions, which have not been uncommon.) The villagers are rightly indignant. They are demanding not to pay. Otherwise, they say in their petition, “as a village we will breach the dam and take the water, and we will do so after July 20.” Is this not an unreasonable action, if there is a state and a government in this country? Breach the dam? Of course, this is a phrase uttered in a fit of anger, the product of the poverty that has engulfed Bratile, like all of Albania. But I am convinced that the villagers of Bratile are sensible men, like all the people of Gramsh, and will never do such a thing. These things are happening because local government, which until now has been one-party, has been paralyzed. In many cases, the public-order authorities have stood by and watched. But this must no longer happen. The establishment of pluralist executive committees must, without fail and as soon as possible, change the situation. And it is precisely such pluralist committees that have the duty to resolve many of these grievances flooding the government, so that it can deal with the issues that fall within its remit. Then demands for accountability and criticism, directed both at the government and at local authorities, will be more constructive and effective. VANGJUSH GAMBETA

Late in the afternoon of July 17, the government’s state-property proposal for our government of stability was put to a vote. It stated: “THE STATE GRANTS LAND TO NATURAL AND LEGAL PERSONS. THEY ENJOY THE RIGHT OF OWNERSHIP AND ALL THE RIGHTS PROVIDED FOR BY THIS LAW. THE SALE AND PURCHASE OF LAND IS PROHIBITED.” The vote passed with 158 votes in favor, 13 against and 24 abstentions. In this way, the farmer will become the owner of the land that belongs to him alone, giving rise to hopes that his life and that of the whole people will improve. Interest in production, mechanization and yields will increase, because the law of competition—which brings nothing but progress—will take effect. Congratulations to our Parliament and to all the deputies who, with their vote on Article 2 of the body of the Land Law, performed a patriotic duty that will go down in history as the rebirth of our village.

On 18.7.1991, Mr. Sabri Godo met the American ambassador to the CSCE, Mr. Mareska, who was accompanied by his political adviser Stiven Harris, the military liaison; Captain Harris, and the American representative in Albania, Kristofor Hill. A working discussion was held, during which the current problems facing our country and ways to resolve the crisis we are experiencing were discussed in detail and openly. The dangerous situation created in the Balkans in connection with recent events in Yugoslavia was also discussed. Both sides agreed on all matters, and it was requested that bilateral cooperation be intensified in the future. «Republika» correspondent

On 11.7.1991, a meeting of the PR branch was held at the “Riza Cerova” Palace of Culture in the town of Corovodë, in the district of Skrapar. Mr. Sabri Godo, chairman of the PR, also took part in the meeting. The meeting was opened by Mr. Fahri Hysi, chairman of the PR branch in the district. The materials of the first national conference of the Republican Party were reviewed. Mr. Sabri Godo’s speech was listened to with particular interest. * * * On 13. 7. 1991, a meeting of the Republican Party was organized in the district of Kukës to implement the decisions of the party’s first national conference and discuss the problems facing the party in the district today. The delegate of the Steering Committee, Mr. Gerciz Mingomata, discussed at length the most important party issues and the grave situation in Yugoslavia and Kosovo. At the end, a new seven-member steering committee was elected, with Mr. Hamit Noka as chairman and Mr. Agim Visha as deputy chairman. * * * A meeting of the Republican Party branch in the city of Durrës was also held. It analyzed the tasks set by the first conference of the Republican Party of Albania. In the report he delivered, the branch chairman, Mr. Agim Shehi, spoke about the history of the for… (Continued on page 4)

(IN LIEU OF THE LETTER SENT TO THE PRESIDENT, AFTER I READ HIS SPEECH TO THE FIRST SECRETARIES OF THE DISTRICTS) I, who am writing these lines, am a member of the PD, but I will offer my judgment of the aforementioned speech of yours as an ordinary citizen speaking with the President. In other words, two Albanians who want true democracy. After reading your secret letter in one sitting, even though your former Party is no longer keeping secrets, the first question that troubled and tormented me, and has tormented me before, is this: can one openly declare to a people and to world opinion that Albania has embarked on an irreversible path, when the ruling Party itself is loudly proclaiming itself the standard-bearer of true democracy, while the achievements made along this great and state-building path that we are indeed pursuing are ones that they themselves are forced to bring about, doing the work of the PP and of you, Mr. President? Can you envision Albania’s future on a path when you are being forced onto it and you have not the slightest desire to take it? What results can be expected from forced movements? Let us refer to the views expressed in your speech, which has not been spared editing. (You cannot imagine the sincerity—or nakedness—of your thinking lately.) You admit that we were forced to accept political pluralism, not because it was good but because things had gone badly, because we found ourselves facing a key problem that we had to resolve concerning the students. I ask you: when you had previously declared that we would join the CSCE, did you not know that political pluralism was a condition for admission to that organization? I believe you did. Spare us the demagoguery. Our people really did sacrifice to the point of eating grass because they trusted you blindly, but they wanted education and achieved it successfully, not counting here the circulation that characterizes it. And admission to the CSCE came about as a result of the opposition’s measured actions; otherwise, you would have imposed yet another decree banning strikes. Another forced action: you say that we were forced to reach a consensus to end the strikes by May 1. Very good. When you issued the decree on strikes and knew Albania’s economic situation—strangled by crisis and burdened with more than 300 million dollars in debt, 10 as you declared on March 29—did you not know that strikes would follow one after another? Who is responsible for the difficult economic situation, for the outbreak of strikes? Why reach a consensus to end a strike and not reach a consensus on your even quicker resignation? Have you not said that the capable should take the place of the incapable? It has been stated that the University of Tirana was closed to meet the students’ economic demands. Meanwhile, you, Mr. President, declare that we were forced to close the University because… These days, many petitions containing all kinds of requests have been pouring in to Prime Minister Ylli Bufi. Most of the requests the final phrases of some petitions: “either things go as we say, or we will go on strike.” Has the social pact, agreed upon by all political forces and trade unions, been forgotten so quickly—the pact not to hold strikes, so that the government could devote itself entirely to resolving the many complex problems troubling the country? If the government is not fulfilling what it promised on this or that matter, we have every right to criticize it and demand that it account for its actions, to the point of… The petition from the Chemical-Metallurgical Trade Union Federation in Fier explicitly states that “well-being does not come through work alone.” Strange! Where does this Federation expect well-being to come from? Having presented its demands on the eve of the formation of the national stability government, the Federation is now demanding that workers due to retire over the next three years receive pensions amounting to 90 percent of their salary, and that every five years their salary should … … you not know the condition for admission to this organization, namely political pluralism? I believe you did. Stop the demagoguery. Our people truly sacrificed even education and successfully achieved it, notwithstanding the turnover that characterizes it. And admission to the CSCE came as a result of the opposition’s measured actions, whereas for you a new decree banning strikes was looming. Another forced action: you say you were compelled stated situation and a strike, but not a consensus for your even swifter resignation? Have you not said that the capable should replace the incapable? and living conditions are truly extremely difficult. But would dialogue not be a more appropriate path than the strike proposed by the Trade Union Federation? When we noticed that the Union of Independent Trade Unions and the union committees affiliated with it were persistently seeking fulfillment of their demands, which the government had accepted, without adding new ones, our respect grew for all those who are … … in order to avoid this dangerous flashpoint. Such statements suited those who kill at night and weep by day. I consider it the greatest insult to the small people of the nation. But is the University of Tirana a flashpoint for the Serbs? Because it demanded its rights, for which everyone is fighting? If the struggle for justice, freedom, and human rights is called a flashpoint, it is absurd to think that we are moving toward Europe and will build a genuine democracy. No. This is sheer demagoguery, and Albanians will be cast in the role of a clown seeking Europe, while in this case their qualities as Albanians are being … And we have examples of events that fit this role: our friends and brothers are leaving us for a few rags, for… These are the reasons I mentioned above why the people, the youth, mothers with children, and schoolchildren have no confidence in what is said or what is done. I will not go on commenting on your lengthy letter, because perhaps it could become the subject of articles for journalists. What remains with me is the sole question troubling the entire nation, one that calls its future into question: to what extent should we believe, when the people have not been told the truth that until 1978, SELMAN HODO (Continued on page 4)

There is a saying, in the form of an anecdote, that describes the importance of holding a government post or any other important post whatsoever. There is a saying, in the form of an anecdote, that describes the importance of holding a government post or any other important post whatsoever: “If you are absent for one minute, all hell breaks loose. Once you are dead, nobody gives a damn anymore.” This saying can also apply to mechanisms or legislative bodies such as members of parliament. All the more so when our deputies are now considered the “alchemists” of our future, even though we have reservations about their level. These days, Parliament discussed the Gordian knot of the farmer’s land. Perhaps one of the hottest issues after those of… But when Mr. Meksi, in his characteristic manner, announced the voting result for one of the proposed options, it turned out that there were 77 in favor, 67 against and 56 abstentions. Add them all up and you get 200 deputies. So where are the other 50? Twenty percent of Parliament has dwindled away. Well, perhaps they are on regular leave. What can you do? It is hot. Someone may also be travelling abroad (thank goodness the problems of political asylum for Albanians are now drawing to a close). To get an idea of the dynamics of this attrition among deputies, let us look at the vote on the other option, half an hour later: 158 in favor, 13 against and 24 abstentions. Add them up and you get 195. Where did another five deputies disappear so quickly? Couldn’t they at least have stayed until the vote?! In the times we are living through, attrition is everywhere. But should we also be getting stressed by attrition in Parliament? GJERGJ PILIKA

We would have preferred Mr. Kastriot Islami, as chairman of the Presidium of the People’s Assembly, to visit developed Western countries before going to the Soviet Union. Nevertheless, we need to have relations and cooperation with everyone. All the more so since we have no reason to have even the slightest reservation about the peoples of the Soviet Union or the Russian people, and we value our friendship with that people. It was only Mr. Kastriot Islami’s announcement in Parliament that sounded unpleasant to us—and it does sound that way—when he said that the Soviets are ready to send us specialists for our economic reform. Please, Mr. Kastriot, do not do this. First of all, because we are suffering from the “benefits” of the system that Soviet specialists once brought us; and, most importantly, we cannot rely on those specialists, since economically they are far removed from the market. In other words, they themselves do not know where they are or where they are going, let alone being able to teach us. Do not forget Mr. Pashko’s remarks, in which he informed us that the developed world views assistance for the Soviet Union’s reforms with reservations, because they have accepted reform programs nine times and, as it turned out, failed to implement them all nine times. Or do you—or whoever is giving you orders—still cherish nostalgia for the great love affair with the Soviets, from liberation until we became mortal enemies?! Let us put nostalgia and the Enverist “paradise” aside, since even that is begging, blushing its sons as it does yet another… To buy the specialists in question would mean experimenting once again at the people’s expense. Please, do not do it! GURI DHIMO