— THE PEOPLE ARE WAITING FOR THEM IN THE DOCK — Everyone learned through the proceedings of our Parliament that the former Political Bureau, without a single exception, was deeply corrupt, inflicting enormous economic harm on the people. Immediately after the report by the Minister of Finance, Mr Genc Ruli, which was prepared jointly with the State Audit Commission, the newspapers «Rilindja Demokratike» and «Bashkimi» published it the following day, while «Zëri i Popullit» remained silent. Another day had to pass before, on 1 August, it published an editorial entitled «Corruption and privileges are alien to the Socialist Party». That is what not only every honest member of this party, but every Albanian, would wish. The editorial takes the right position—indeed, we might say a strong one—on the corruption, embezzlement and privileges of the former senior party leadership, writing that only in a state governed by law, only in a genuine democracy, can such conduct be stopped. It does not forget to describe the pasha-like lifestyle of a group of bloc members, some of whom were also expelled from the party. The editorial calls for the analysis of these problems to extend to every basic organisation. Thus, it calls for the unlawful activity of the former senior leadership of the Party of Labour and the state to be exposed in full, along with its actions against the interests of the people and the Homeland, and for everyone to account under the law for the wrongs committed and the damage caused. There is nothing to say against this position. It is right, analytical and necessary. But when you finish reading that editorial, more than five typewritten pages long, alongside your satisfaction at its distancing itself from criminal conduct—or, more simply, from stealing with both hands—you are left somewhat disappointed, because you do not read a single name. So this is distancing itself as an issue, but without a single protagonist, as if the embezzlers were accused of minor offences and we should not make them blush by exposing them in the newspaper. But here, dear reader, we are not talking about trifles. In 1988–1990 alone, the sum was 9,659,013 new lekë, which is no small amount given our poverty. Then why are the names not being published by the organ of the supposedly renewed party? Because that newspaper bears the number 13,430, clearly showing that it is still the continuation of the Party of Labour’s newspaper, which had as its principle, whenever it suited its interests, not to tell the truth and to attack or defend whomever it wished. The report was not published, and no names were given in the editorial, because it would have had to start with the greatest squanderer of the people’s income: Enver Hoxha’s family, whose embezzlement (theft) amounted to 3,033,021 new lekë in two years. This would have stripped Enver’s halo of fine tulle as a great and infallible leader, the eminent Marxist-Leninist who educated the whole world, yet failed to rid his own wife and children of the habit of stealing. If it had been only the Hoxha family, «Zëri i Popullit» might even have made a sacrifice to show that it was truly distancing itself. But that could not possibly happen, because second in the amount embezzled—when it was thought he had committed no abuses and led a modest life on his salary—was President Ramiz Alia, with 1,767,113 new lekë. This would have meant officially acknowledging the truth of the entire democratic opposition’s claim that he is not the president Albania needs. First, because he was the dictator’s close associate for half a century; second, because during his more than five years in charge, our economy rapidly headed towards the inevitable abyss. And, as if that were not enough, the extent of the embezzlement, abuses or thefts by the President’s family—including him—also comes to light. Yet he is the central figure of the state, the President proposed and approved solely by the Socialist Party. And for this party to dare to publish his embezzlement, it would have had to immediately raise the matter in Parliament For the bureaucrats, these may have been mere words, but whether they will see themselves in the dock, if they really committed these abuses, remains unknown. Could this perhaps end up like the discovery and punishment of the Shkodër addicts?! What are we waiting for? It is clear that the audits must continue into earlier years as well, to lay bare how much these «extraordinary capacities» cost this noble and generous people. But this does not mean that, until we reach the famous year in which the bureau members were treated so well, they should enjoy the benefits of what they extorted, while their children continue to hold the senior posts entrusted to them. I am not advocating revenge against innocent children, if they truly are innocent. That would be terrible. But the sons of this criminal and thieving clan have no reason to remain in important institutional leadership positions either. Let them work honestly in their professions. An occasional exception may be made if someone really is exceptionally capable. But, alas, these idols came from families who, instead of studying and working hard, spent their time on entertainment and trips abroad or at villas inside Albania. And while Democratic Party MPs insist that these former leaders be brought before the competent courts, their Socialist counterparts keep up the old tune, merely distancing themselves from the abuses, but cannot bring themselves to stand with the Democrats in demanding that each person answer for their actions in the dock. But the Democrats cannot and must not make exceptions for anyone. Otherwise, they would be a Communist or Socialist party with a rich tradition of discrimination in assigning blame among the perpetrators of the same crime. I hear rumours that this or that red pasha is paying up. They may also be lies. But even if one in a thousand were true, that would be another grave mistake. Given that we all lived on salaries, because no one had other sources of livelihood, where did all that money come from? So it, too, must have been stolen and must necessarily be added to the sums embezzled. The only exception might be someone who had been wealthy and whose gold was not confiscated as it was from declared and other wealthy people; but most former party leaders had nothing but the clothes on their backs. Attempts to pay back the money mean that the abuses and thefts were far greater than imagined, since they apparently have enough money to pay such staggering sums. No, this must not be allowed. PETRO DHIMITRI

In many discussions, when the market economy is mentioned, the old, centralized system of management still rears its head. Imagine a smallholder farmer: “His figs have ripened and he wants to sell his produce. He knows nothing about prices, demand or supply in the market.” Now imagine a state fruit-and-vegetable trader. He, too, does not know what produce there is in the village or how to move it to the city. He shrugs and tells his customers: «I have no supplies!» While the trader in Rrogozhinë sells figs for 3 lekë, in Ndroq they cost 5 lekë, and in Tirana 10 lekë per kilogram. Imagine an industrialist. He does not know where to find raw materials or spare parts, or where he will sell his products. How were these matters dealt with before? At that time—and this still continues—the state had economic bodies, offices in enterprises and cooperatives, sections in committees and directorates in ministries, so that through the overall plan even a junior official knew where to turn; except that, most of the time, because of the tangle of things, they did not succeed. The planned economic mechanism became physically cumbersome, with large numbers of people and links, and highly bureaucratic: to sell or buy anything required numerous signatures and approvals, going from door to door. But today, and in the future, how are we to understand the state’s role in the market economy? [text interrupted] The ordinary citizen, the farmer whom we are preparing to become a future private owner and producer, surely cannot answer. Indeed, even those enterprises designed and expected to operate as state-owned businesses do not know. Let us say at the outset: in our country there have been and still are people and bodies that ought to resolve the issue raised above, but because of the inept management that has prevailed, they have been left in the shadows. There is the Institute of Information and the Centre for Scientific and Technical Information and Documentation. These organisations have scientists and maintain contacts and exchanges with other countries; but, as far as the economy is concerned, they are sealed off. They provide no transparency about how they came into being or what help they provide to the real economy through the two kinds of information that an interested person needs to know: — where this or that product is made, how much is supplied to the market and at what price; — where this or that scientific and technical document can be found, so that one can obtain its designs and co-founders and buy it, instead of putting effort into studying and designing something that others have already accomplished. These institutions are two steps away from the Prime Minister’s Office, but no one... [text interrupted at the bottom of the image] in that apparatus has thought to put them to practical use, so that they can serve the many businesses in the country instead of remaining optional. The market economy—that is, the future trader, buyer and seller—cannot grope around in the dark; they need help with what to ask and where to find the market, that is, the future trader, buyer and seller cannot to ask and where to find the mar- OSMAN ALLKJA (Continued on page 3) understand the state’s role in the market economy? I will focus here on two issues which I consider key points, the resolution of which benefits and educates the individual and meets social needs. 1. WHEN IT IS PRODUCED, WHAT IS OFFERED TO THE MARKET, AND AT WHAT PRICE? Is there any person or organisation in our state that can ans-

Yesterday morning, news spread through Tirana like wildfire that ferries had arrived in Durrës to take refugees. Hundreds and hundreds of people, men, women and children of different ages, streamed like a river towards the railway station. They set off for Durrës in various vehicles, such as buses, trucks and tractors. They say the news is false. Nevertheless, people continue to flock to Durrës. One reason people did not believe the news was false was surely what happened in Vlorë. The day before yesterday, the ships «Partizani» and «Iliria» left the city of Vlorë for unknown destinations. Around 300–400 people boarded them. A question naturally arises: could this be a coincidence? Whose ships were they, those of the port of Durrës or Vlorë? From what we have learned, both ships came from the port of Durrës to Vlorë to take on water. People there, as they were—dressed or in bathing suits—jumped aboard the ship. But who gave the signal to abandon the vessel? Could this, once again, be a coincidence—this new exodus? Who organises these things in broad daylight? The dark forces? Their fate is still unknown. But on the evening of that same night, two fishing boats also left for unknown destinations. From an unofficial source, we learn that the ships set off for Malta. They only want to leave; where they are going does not matter. They have lost so much faith in half a century of monist rule. Yesterday there were also gatherings in Vlorë... [text interrupted at the bottom of the image] People were driven back from the port by the forces responsible for maintaining order. After these actions, a confrontation followed. Those gathered set fire to the Socialist Party Committee building and toppled the monument to Hysni Kapo[s]. During the confrontation, the forces responsible for maintaining order used firearms. Several people in the crowd were wounded. «Republika» correspondent

In the depths of Kastrat (Malësi e Madhe), the Republican Party organised a large public rally. One of the forerunners and groups of groups of highlanders from various villages came to Kastrat. People from Bratosh (a village in Kastrat) brought the sons of the village and wanted their relatives to come. The village’s religious festival was to be celebrated. Several days beforehand, preparations had been made to organise a large gathering. We worked devotedly on this activity. The chairman of the Branch Steering Committee, the longtime scientific associate Xhevat Repishti, had gone there. The work had begun the previous day, talking and discussing with the highlanders. In the villages of Malësia—Zagorë, Goraj and Budishë—we established Republican Party sections in these villages. The highlanders welcomed the propaganda among the people and the Republicans with great joy. TRINGË RUDAJ (Continued on page 4)

— «MAY I NEVER HEAR THE WORD COOPERATIVE AGAIN!» — Almost always in the evenings, when night falls, people return home from the day’s work, from the fields or the pastures with their livestock. I have always watched them at this moment, as they walk, utterly exhausted. Their eyes seemed to tell me: «It can’t go on like this either. This work is impossible. It has wrung our souls out». I knew that as soon as they got home, sleep would take them as if they had been anaesthetised. They had no time even to think. Sometimes a doubt would circle around them like a ghost. The young people would ask: «Were we better off in the cooperative, or…?» This doubt seemed to grow stronger on Sundays. The road through my village is a motor road. People have been given land on both sides of it. And so they work beside the road, while on Sundays cars, buses and motorcycles keep passing along it, taking people to Durrës beach. The farmers hoe corn in the blazing sun. The beachgoers return, while they are still there in the field, drenched in sweat, almost asking themselves: «What is going on?» How has the world been divided like this? Will this day ever come for us?… All these thoughts came to them and to one another as they sat down to eat lunch. One day I walked through the plots, and my neighbour D[i]u, opposite me, said: «Well, this is democracy. It’s breaking my back.» «You know,» I answered, «nothing falls from the sky.» «You won’t forgive us for the chatter?» he replied, lowering his head as if he were about to pick an ear of corn. Of all the others, only Xhemali said nothing. He kept working and working. He had hoed and watered the corn twice. Nevertheless, if you watched them all carefully, you could also discern another feeling. It did not harden their faces. It was the feeling that had taken root in their souls for the land they owned. It quietly rose above everything else. It defied weariness and hardship. Today they no longer had the foreman hovering over them, always keeping five or six people in the shade—those who lived off his sweat. That arrogant man no longer stood in front of them, shouting as usual with his plough as if his father had left it to him. Last Sunday I went to these people’s fields—or, more accurately, they invited me to see the crops and produce they were harvesting. I stayed late in Bashkimi’s hut, set up in the middle of the field among the watermelons. «God has blessed us with plenty!» he tells me. «They’re as big as river stones!» «How many quintals might there be?» «About 30–40, I think.» «You’ve got a million old lekë in the bag for sure,» I tell him. «Yes. But I also have tomatoes to sell and fruit ripening now, from the end of August into late autumn. They say brandy will fetch a high price. And my corn is good too. I’ll definitely get about 30 quintals.» He has calculated everything down to the last detail. This year his income will be nearly three times what he received from the cooperative household in recent years. He talks and rejoices. «Don’t look at me like that. I understand what you’re going to say. Don’t scold me. I was very tired back then, so I spoke as if I were in a fog.» It seems to me that everyone is saying this now. The exhaustion seems to have been forgotten. The doubt has been cast aside. People rejoice in the fruits of free labour. «There’s nothing like private property! You could kill me, but I’ll never go back to the cooperative,» Iliri tells me. Soon, others who guard the watermelon patch gather beside the hut. A couple of people steal at night. «Qemali,» Bashkimi says, «filled his pockets today. 75,000 old lekë—tell me that’s not something—for just the first picking of watermelons.» If he had sold them himself, he could have got even more. The middleman who bought them took a quarter of the proceeds. It is a pity that someone should make such a huge profit without shedding a drop of sweat. The farmers still lack the means to organise themselves and go to sell in the city. At this stage, trading and collection enterprises can help the farmer greatly and block the way for speculators. GANI LEKA (Continued on page 4)