DEMAND FOR THE REMOVAL OF THE MONIST LEADERSHIP STATEMENT by the Independent Trade Union of RTSH Under the new conditions of a new democratic and pluralist state, employees of RTV in the independent trade union have repeatedly demanded that this institution be genuinely depoliticized and serve only the national interest. During the nine months since the institution’s managers took office, the independent RTV trade union has observed that they have not served its professional interests, journalistic integrity, the true and accurate informing of the public, or the transformation of RTV into a powerful cultural, artistic and information medium. The long-awaited restructuring, in cooperation with the independent trade union, as also announced by the parliamentary commission for the press and information, was not taken into consideration by the management. At the end of the deadline for our petition addressed to Parliament, the Independent Trade Union of Albanian RTV informs national and international public opinion that, after October 12, 1991, it will go on a general strike with the following demands: 1. The removal of managers Fatmir Kumbaro, Hysni Lita, and Thimi Nika. 2. The renewal of the other managers. 3. The restructuring of RTV on the basis of a clear platform. 4. The reinstatement of lawyer Fatime Gërbi. GOVERNING COUNCIL

STATEMENT by the Albanian Republican Party The Albanian Republican Party, continuing its struggle by democratic means to achieve the demands set out in the joint declaration of the Democratic Party, the Republican Party and the Social Democratic Party, once again declares that it will remain steadfast until these demands are fully met. One of the points in the declaration is the replacement of the director of Radio and Television. Albanian Republicans strongly support the statement of the independent trade union of RTSH, which rightly demands the removal of the principal managers and the restructuring of RTV as a powerful cultural, artistic and information medium, freed from communist politics, which censors free democratic thought.

Nearly four years ago, Comrade Thimi Nika, former editor-in-chief at «ZP», was promoted to director of Radio Tirana by the famous Mit Tona, director of the Press Directorate at the Central Committee of the PLA. The move was made to find him a warm little nest, just as one was found for the former director of Radio, who had to be ci-[text continues beyond the lower edge of the image] transferred. Thimi began his new job with revolutionary zeal. Quietly and gently, he kept the PLA’s pot full. Thimi particularly «shone» during the election campaign for the March 31 elections. For his contribution as editor and later as chief of the editorial department, Hysni Lita, by all accounts, was a dissident and rebel within the directorate. But what talent did he possess, and who exactly sent him to the higher course at the party school, where, steeped in the teachings of Marxism-Leninism, he forgot the lessons of life? After graduating, as secretary of the party committee in one of the capital’s districts, he worked himself to exhaustion educating… (Continued on page 4) 15 years of activity at Radio, in fi-këq, despite having less education than many of his colleagues, to the point that he managed to impose himself on them. Miladin Popoviçi also played a major role in this course of events, but he knew whom to choose for intelligence, ambition and rare skills of manoeuvring. Was it personal sympathy, or was there something more in this collaboration (that is, recruitment)? We cannot say, since we have no documents. However, for a long time, during the war and in the first years after liberation, Albania became a de facto vassal of Yugoslavia. Enver Hoxha, too, certainly played his part in this, even though later he opposed his former masters. But why did this revolutionary put himself in a position of subordination? Because more than the revolution, he sought his own revolutionary… He also had that rare ability to create an active coalition of forces that, together with adaptability, as in everything, could have enabled him to establish a personal dictatorship, formally justified in the name of socialism. Thus, liberation found an unorganized opposition, made up of scattered individuals who, as soon as they raised their voices, faced the sword of Damocles and paid for their courage for democracy with their lives. From this it is clear that he waged the war and made every effort not so much to bring freedom to Albania as to impose a system through which he would become the country’s foremost leader, an all-powerful ruler. Of course, it is not possible… 15 years of activity…? (Continued on page 3)

If, years ago, the historic October 16 birthday of Enver Hoxha was awaited months in advance with pledges, campaigns and Sunday events, amid great noise and fanfare, this year the socialist communists are keeping silent as the day approaches, letting it pass almost unnoticed. Whereas years ago the historic October 16 birthday of Enver Hoxha was awaited months in advance with pledges, campaigns and Sunday events, amid great noise and fanfare, this year the socialist communists are keeping silent as the day approaches, letting it pass almost unnoticed. The question naturally arises: why is there silence about the architect of the new Albania, the enlightened leader, that police figure with so many other epithets? What was untrue in all that exaggeration of the former dictator’s image? And why should historians assess his deeds when his victims and collaborators are still alive? We could continue with many questions, but let us analyze, as far as the confines of an article permit, the worth of this little red monster, the leader who kept Albania cut off from the developed Western world for 50 years. We do not wish to dwell on his youth, about which one also hears things, perhaps chiefly concerning his moral character. But one thing is a fact: he did not manage to complete higher education and, as a failed university student, began his revolutionary path. Yet he had such rare abilities that, despite having less education than many of his contemporaries, played a major role in this rise, but he knew how to choose, on the basis of intelligence, ambition and abilities… At the same time, he sought to put himself at the head of this country, to become its leader. At first, he could achieve this only through an alliance with and dependence on Miladin and the Yugoslavs. But to retain that power, he had to eliminate ideological opponents during the war, whether through various conferences or by shooting them in the back. There were many specific cases, and today it is known that witnesses have written about them; there are also suspicions concerning other figures who were killed in mysterious circumstances, with suspicions directed at Enver, although naturally he cannot be blamed without evidence. Nevertheless, he continued on his bloody path against his opponents until his death. There is no need to list all those killings and crimes; it is enough to recall how many Politburo members he executed to get a clear picture of the former dictator’s grim record. One must also remember his paranoia: he could not live without killing anyone he thought was his enemy. To clear his path and secure the position of leader and dictator, during the war, when he was chiefly aligned with the communists, he disregarded the other antifascist forces and did everything possible to make them, as a minority, join the occupiers. For if liberation had been achieved through an active coalition of forces with differing views, then he could not have… [The right-hand column continues beyond the lower edge] …be blamed today for following the path of socialism or embracing communist ideals, because almost a considerable part of the population, nearly half, was fighting for those ideals. But he chose the most dictatorial model, the bloodiest type, one that completely deprived people of democracy, while guaranteeing himself absolute power. History will condemn him for this—not because he fought for freedom, but because he waged the struggle for his own narrow, dictatorial interests. That is why honest people, who do not deny that for a time he led our war, rightly weigh the positive aspects of his leadership against the negative ones and see that the balance tips heavily toward the negatives, because the damage he caused us was and remains irreparable. There are thousands of victims, hundreds of thousands persecuted, a ruined country, and lost hope. The principal cause of all these misfortunes is he, the «enlightened» leader, that great Enver Hoxha. To be objective, we cannot deny the numerous and unceasing efforts this figure made to develop the country, education, women’s emancipation and industrial development. We cannot forget the period of flourishing relations with the Soviet Union, when the country made progress [the sentence continues beyond the lower edge].

This is the title given to his article by Neil Kej, professor of business economics at the University of Strathclyde in Glasgow. This professor was invited to Albania in March 1991 to contribute to the restructuring of our system of higher education for economists. After his visit, 12 Albanian economists were invited to the University of Strathclyde during July and August this year to prepare new plans for teaching and research in economics, business and finance in that country. In publishing his article, we wish to emphasize that this does not imply the professor’s endorsement of any particular political viewpoint. • • • In August, the Albanian government appealed to Western Europe for economic assistance. Already facing severe food shortages, Albania will have to cope with an even worse situation this winter. A 55 percent decline in agricultural production has also been compounded by the actual destruction of its distribution network. In areas outside the cities, around 30 to 50 percent of children are underweight. Queues for milk begin in the early hours of the morning and affect every stratum of society: workers, managers and government officials. However, food shortages are only the clearest symptoms of an economic system suffering from general imbalance and rapid decline. It needs massive economic and technical assistance, and it needs it right now. Events in the Soviet Union cast their shadow and dimmed Albania’s appeal, and few people heard it. Before the spring elections, this country was little known in the West. Had there not been a mass exodus of ships toward Italy, Albania would not have received much attention. On the other hand, there is no self-evident reason why Albanians should be relegated to second place. There is now an obvious humanitarian case for helping Albania, but this is not the only test that will be applied. The first test concerns democratic standards. Albania held free elections in March this year. The party that won a majority of the votes, the Party of Labour, now reformed as the Socialist Party, took power. Continuing demonstrations and political unrest led to the reform of the new government, with the opposition’s changing policy—both that of the Democratic Party and of the other parties—resulting in their taking key portfolios such as those for the economy and finance. For as long as this government remains in office, politicians have agreed to leave their parties, and although many parties exist, democracy remains the political system accepted in principle and practice by all the major parties, while a mixed or market economy is their objective. It is clear that Albanians have passed three distinct democratic tests in rapid succession: holding elections, forming a government elected by the majority, and subsequently extending government positions to other interests in response to the economic and political crisis facing the country. There has been ongoing debate about these outcomes and the politicians in power. Such debate is not only legitimate, but an integral part of the democratic process. What is concerning, meanwhile, is the tendency of some in the West to treat specific outcomes as a test of democracy when considering whether Albania should be helped and how it should be helped. The real test of democracy is not an outcome achieved, but the processes observed. In this respect, praise is due to those who disagree with the political conclusions suggested about how Albanians should have acted during this difficult and complex transitional period. Naturally, it is not clear how they could have done more. There is also an economic and practical test: how effective would economic and technical assistance be in this context? Albania’s economic rationality and the proper use of its reserves (resources) are not exceptional problems in economic development. What reasons are there for thinking that the funds would have been used better?… (Continued on page 2)

On October 11, 1991, in the cinema hall of the town of Kavajë, the Republican Party branch organized a meeting with members, supporters and the people of the town about the difficult situation facing the country and the town of Kavajë, and about what the Republican Party thinks should be done to overcome this situation. Mr. Sabri Godo, chairman of the Republican Party, was also invited to the meeting. It was opened by Mr. Muhamet Çela, chairman of the town’s RP branch. He expressed his concern about the miserable situation facing the town of Kavajë and the negative social phenomena weighing on its life. The questions asked by those present revealed great concern about problems such as unemployment, delays in implementing economic reform, loss of confidence, crime, dissatisfaction with the implementation of the tax law, lack of foreign investment and, in particular, lack of fast foreign means [of transport]. Mr. Sabri Godo also spoke at the meeting, giving a clear explanation of the country’s political and economic situation. He said that democracy could not be fully established without uprooting communism from Albania. We have complete confidence in the commitment of the people of Kavajë in this respect, as sons of democracy. Cooperation with the opposition parties for this purpose is more necessary than ever today. Mr. Gordo also stressed the need for privatization without obstacles, but at the same time called for immediate privatization without social plunder; he also said that the foot-dragging stance on privatizing sectors such as handicrafts, trade, services, etc. was inexcusable. The Republican Party opposes anarchy as the principal means of moving to privatization. The need to attract foreign investment by creating appropriate incentives was also emphasized, but agreements must be open and workers’ interests protected. Special attention at the meeting was also given to foreign policy, especially the search for Albania’s natural allies, with priority given to developing relations with Italy, Germany, Turkey, Hungary, etc. Mr. Godo stressed the need to strengthen relations with the USA and with the Albanian diaspora. • • • A meeting was held in the cinema-theater hall of the town of Librazhd with Republican members and supporters, as well as invitees from other political forces, on the occasion of establishing the RP branch for the town of Librazhd. Also participating in the meeting were Messrs. Vangjush Gambeta, deputy chairman of the ARP, and Qerçi Mingomataj, member of the Governing Council and head of the foreign affairs section. The opening remarks were delivered by Mr. Spëtim Luzati, instructor in the RP organization section. Mr. Vangjush Gambeta also spoke at the meeting. After welcoming the establishment of the RP branch in the town, he gave a broad overview of the RP program and the country’s current situation. He then addressed several economic issues, particularly the land law and the RP’s position on it, privatization, and the auction system as a criterion that does not take workers’ interests into account, etc. Those present asked the speakers many questions, enlivening the gathering. At the end, the Governing Committee elected Mr. Sami Kulla as chairman. • • • On 9.10.1991, the Shkodër branch of the Republican Party organized a meeting at the «Republika» cinema with the people of Shkodër concerning the trial of the four martyrs of democracy of April 2, 1991. At the meeting, Nafiç Bezhani, the lawyer defending the interests of the martyrs, technically reviewed the trial proceedings. There were many questions and discussions at the meeting. The chairman of the Republican Party branch, Mr. Xhevat Rr… also spoke (continues beyond the frame)