Nearly two months ago, the Prime Minister, Mr. Ylli Bufi, requested a meeting with a group of journalists and economists in his office to discuss the implementation of the new economic reform. At that meeting, I asked Mr. Bufi this question: — Does the government believe that the law on the distribution of land will be implemented? — Yes, — he said. — I don’t believe it, — I replied. — Are you against the privatization of land? — Of course we are in favor of privatizing land, without hesitation, but as the law has been conceived, distributing the land will be very difficult. From what I have read as a journalist around Albania, I have seen that there are two tendencies among the rural population. First, in the north, nobody agrees to give another person any of the land they had within the old boundaries. But the other person, if the law gives it to them, does not take it either. Second, some of the rural population in central and southern Albania want to receive the land where they had it before, but only the amount they are entitled to. The rest demand all of it, like those in the north. I recalled this dialogue because, up to now, the pace of land distribution throughout the country has been very slow. There are even villages around the country where it has not begun at all, as a result of conflicts. At this rate, it is impossible to know when it will be completed. The autumn sowing is proof of this, when, after a year of stagnation in agriculture, the opposite should have happened. Why is this happening? One thing is clear: this law, as it has been conceived, does not accord with the wishes of the rural population; otherwise, it would be implemented swiftly. Someone might say, what is the point of these lines now, when some time has passed since the law on land distribution was approved? In any case, there is always the possibility of intervening and improving some provisions [sic] (of course, when there is good will), especially when implementation is difficult or the law is not accepted at all. Many opinions have been expressed about the land law. But I think that even today there are two alternatives for distributing land without creating conflicts and tensions among farmers, both now and in the future. I repeat: now and in the future. First, the state should become the de facto owner of the land by purchasing it from the former owners, using securities. I do not mean the large landowners whose property was expropriated by the 1946 agrarian reform. That was a reform de lu gjyqësidë [sic] for those rural communities that took an active part in the National Liberation War, among other reasons. After that, that is, after the state purchases the land, it could be distributed according to the number of people in each household, thereby creating an equal opportunity to own land. If we proceed in this way, we would also avoid the conflicts that have arisen between locals and newcomers as a result of the mechanical movement of the population, to whom, for now, in most villages, people are unwilling [sic] to give land. Under this option, the land would be bought by the farmers. (The second act). Second, land and olive groves should be distributed to families within the boundaries they had when they joined the cooperative. In my view, this is the more acceptable option, according to which land distribution could be completed within a short time. In any case, anyone who knows the psychology—

REFLECTIONS BEFORE THE TELEVISION SCREEN President Ramiz Alia’s visit to Shkodër truly constitutes an important event, but not in the sense in which we have used (and overused) this expression up to now. Unless I am mistaken, it was the first “European-style” visit, at least outwardly, as far as I could tell from the television report. I believe readers understand what I mean. It was the first report that did not begin with a “festive atmosphere,” with “the people singing and happily dancing” because they were “welcoming their beloved and dear leader” with thunderous applause and enthusiastic cheers, etc., etc.—things each of us knew would happen even without the President going there. The television report of this visit, then, had different colors. Instead of “extraordinary enthusiasm,” there was a very heavy atmosphere in every family of the martyrs of democracy that he visited. It is not difficult to imagine how deeply uncomfortable the President must have felt during these visits, when accusations were levelled at him, as the victims’ parents told him to his face. Even if he emerges entirely cleared of responsibility for the Shkodër massacre, his conscience cannot be at ease with these drawn-out investigations and the punishment of the criminals and those who gave the orders, which, it seems, may never be achieved. “The prolongation of this process,” the father of Bujar Besanaku told him, “keeps the fire of vengeance burning.” And that is no small matter! Seen in this light, one must appreciate the President’s courage, or even his sacrifices, in finally setting out for Shkodër—a step he should have taken long ago, not to say on that very day (in which case it would have sounded even more “European”). That “courage” and “sacrifice”—it is hard to believe that he did not foresee what awaited him in Shkodër. Or did he trust in the Kanun, according to which, such are the generosity and nobility of these people that when someone comes to visit, even an enemy, the host tries to welcome them as well as possible, “forgetting” enmities and grievances, at least for as long as the visitor stays, and putting aside past anger and resentment. Well, even through this fact, one can understand how deeply distressed the people of Shkodër are: they were forced to break even the Kanun, although they, like northerners in general, have always been known for the opposite. The reasons are very simple and clear to everyone: “If a foreigner had killed him, they told him at the family of one of the martyrs, it would not ...” ANDON DEDE (Continued on page 3)

The Information Office of the Republican Party vigorously and indignantly protests the arrogant and unscrupulous censorship you impose, Mr. Fatmir Kumbaro, along with your faithful assistants, on material concerning the activities and development of the Republican Party at the center and in the districts. This method of work of yours and of your faithful bosses continues with the censorship of reports on PR activities in its branches, meetings held by the chairman of PRSH, Mr. Sabri Godo, and other party leaders with PR members and supporters in the districts, and with foreign political figures; with the failure to broadcast any TV news about the activities of PR representatives in the government of stability and of PR representatives in pluralist local authorities; and with delays in broadcasting and deliberate cuts to PR statements supporting its program. Such positions of yours and of those faithful people you have in your “artësinë” clearly show that the platform on which RTV’s policy is carried out continues to be permeated by Russian-Communist ideological methods of the Stalinist type. For this reason, Albanian Republicans demand that the establishment of democracy and freedom of real, uncensored information on TV be accelerated, and that you be removed, as commander-in-chief of this stronghold of the Communist conservatives, so that free and democratic thought can finally breathe. The PRSH Information Office firmly demands that RTV

INTERVIEW WITH THE AMBASSADOR OF ROMANIA IN OUR COUNTRY, GEORGE MIKU, GIVEN TO THE EDITOR-IN-CHIEF OF THE NEWSPAPER “REPUBLIKA” — Could you please tell our readers what factors led to the formation in Romania of the new government headed by Mr. Theodor Stolojan? — With pleasure. I should tell you that, given the tense political situation that began in the middle of September this year, the only way out was to find a solution to the problems raised by various groups, foremost among them those of an economic nature. Because these problems were not resolved, Mr. Peter Roman’s government was forced to resign, especially as a result of the violent actions of the miners of Vala Vhiolul. They came to Bucharest with economic demands, but their actions then changed and were followed by activities of an entirely political nature. It was essential to form a new government of national unity to resolve, as effectively as possible, the problems facing the country. (Continued on page 4)

For some time now, I have been gripped by this great concern: if the PD wins the next parliamentary elections and its chairman, Dr. Sali Berisha, is elected president of our Republic, what will happen to Albania? Will it still be Albania? Will the country be completely torn apart? Has Dr. Berisha reached an agreement with the US authorities to give Albanians some reservations on American territory, etc., etc.? To tell the truth, these were some serious concerns that made me tell myself that it must never come to pass, and that it would be better if someone could calm my troubled mind. My concern about this matter ended immediately when I heard Deputy Gramoz Ruçi’s statement in the People’s Assembly that Mr. Berisha would never be elected president of Albania. Despite this reassuring and promising statement, a question came to mind that demands an answer (I am convinced Deputy Gramoz Ruçi will answer it): 1) Did Gramoz Ruçi speak on his own behalf or on behalf of the deputies from the Tepelenë district? 2) Does Gramoz Ruçi insist that you act on behalf of the PS parliamentary group? 3) Did Gramoz Ruçi have the PS in mind when he made this vow? 4) Or was he relying on allied forces that he could count on? In addition to this, I am wondering what arguments are being devised concerning the means that will be used to ensure that Dr. Berisha is never elected president. Will the PD be outlawed, and pluralism consequently destroyed, or will the election of Dr. Berisha as president be prevented, while the PD is nevertheless allowed to win the next election, with the same outcome? Or does Deputy Ruçi have an elaborate plan in mind to prevent his election: a coup against Dr. Berisha, his mysterious disappearance, death, or arrest (and so on)? These scenarios too, familiar from the realm of political mischief, require an answer from Deputy Ruçi, who said that Dr. Berisha would never be elected president. I hope that when these questions are answered, many people like me will be reassured. But the earlier statement has already lifted a heavy stone from my heart. Therefore, I have nothing left to do but thank Deputy Ruçi. But before I finish this article, I will ask Gramoz Ruçi this question: Although he has assured me that Dr. Berisha will never be elected president, I ask him to tell us whom he is saving this people for—perhaps for himself? BUJAR HOXHA

POINT OF VIEW It is positive that the country’s government of stability identified the implementation of economic reform (and not merely the stabilization of the economy) as the only alternative for moving from a socialist planned economy to a free-market economy. The initial clamor seems to have given way to economic logic which, although incomplete for the start of a reform of this kind (because wages should have been frozen, social spending reduced, etc.), seems to be finding its natural course with the provision of aid from abroad and the securing of the necessary financial assistance. It is no coincidence that the beginning of economic reform coincides with nationalization through a friendly supply [sic]; it seems the reform has not yet begun. Meanwhile, aid has arrived and continues to arrive in accordance with the signed agreement, and with considerable reliability on the part of the countries offering it. But social security, the foremost prerequisite for the normal beginning of reform, has still not taken hold among Albanians. The markets that were supposed to be full, according to the statements made, are in fact empty. Aid reaches the TV screen, but land is being distributed for honey [unclear] ... In the press, price liberalization is being discussed in a language that portrays it as the factor that has opened the doors of warehouses packed to the brim. Could the government not intervene to eliminate this paradox, which weighs on the backs of ordinary workers? It was promised that supplies would not be delayed. But the queues at the meat shops in the Tirana market these days are worse than ever. Are we waiting for some “boom,” and until then are we supposed to hold our stomachs in our hands? As things stand today, is the government’s alternative in its first steps, has it begun to be implemented, or is it still unclear? There are several aspects. First, judging from the price rises, the distribution of reform, the arrival of foreign aid, and the planning of market supplies of the most important food products, it seems the reform has not yet begun. Meanwhile, aid has arrived and continues to arrive in accordance with the signed agreement, and with considerable reliability on the part of the countries offering it. But social security, the foremost prerequisite for the normal beginning of reform, has still not taken hold among Albanians. The markets that were supposed to be full, according to the statements made, are in fact empty. Aid reaches the TV screen, but land is being distributed for honey [unclear] ... The logic is well known: the new reform presumably puts privatization ahead of price liberalization, and the latter ahead of the obligation to free the economy. But that does not mean that in some cases it has not been accompanied by the conduct of the dardanhtari [unclear]. How can prices be liberalized in empty shops? Even before price reform has begun, wholesale prices for food products have risen on the free market in some areas. This, at the very least, is a reason to undermine people’s confidence. Therefore, I want to say: shops must urgently be filled with all kinds of food and industrial goods, so that the state price can serve as a safeguard in the efforts of private producers and traders, the final limit for restraining price increases, in a situation where no further wage increase is yet being considered. There is still a need for a proper analysis. A belief has taken hold that economic reform is entering its natural course of implementation, but its logical contours are still incomplete and unclear: state control, synchronized with early increases in wealth. These are the revival of the economy and the rekindling of economic interests in order to set people in motion. In this context, the question rightly being asked today is: Has implementation of economic reform begun? BARDEI SEDDARASI HONECKER’S RETURN — THE BEST SOLUTION Russia’s Minister of Justice said the day before yesterday that the voluntary return of former East German leader Erik Honeker to Germany to stand trial there for “turmoil” in his tribunals was the best solution to the conflict with Bonn over his fate.