Land and the boundary of democracy over it. Property and the restrictions on it. The movement of people, transport vehicles and goods. Democratic institutions: the role of state regulation of them. In the example of administration in Tirana Is institutionalizing democracy being considered? - Land and the boundary of democracy over it. - Property and the restrictions on it. - The movement of people, transport vehicles and goods. - Democratic institutions: the role of state regulation of them. Tirana’s territory: 1,238 square kilometers. Tirana’s population boundary: over 250,000 inhabitants in the city. Three urban administrative centers and 184 villages. A population with even completely uncontrolled and unknown mechanical increases. ADMINISTRATION With the law on land in the countryside, private ownership of land arises, as an extension of agricultural cooperatives. In the city, land (here called building plot) in the name of the state is still administered by the urban planning offices of the districts and regions. With legal recognition of private property and private owners, it is understood that urban land is also being privatized, with legal persons being recognized an area granted by the courts. Nevertheless, in the city the issue of ownership over building land has generated many unresolved problems, which place it amid the daily chaos and the dirt on streets and sidewalks, and raise the importance of involving, as a whole issue, the mayor, the governments of order, and the prefect. Whoever mentions administration here is speaking about the consequence of a test of the movement of people and of ownership by the owner or owners. Here, apparently, even in the future there will be intervention between the state (the executive committee, the people’s councils) and the owners, because in the city, no matter how much private ownership increases, there will constantly be general interests that are not obvious and yet will have to be implemented by private owners. Must action wait for local elections? There is no reason for that. Then what? The state appears, perhaps; while disappearing it does not exist, but it establishes order, regulates by means of what once was, does not stop but clearly defines; calms; speaks; clearly establishes private rights and collective rights. For the division of private land and its use, beautiful words are not enough. What is seen today in Tirana is an unacceptable situation. Therefore, here a new urban law is needed, one that clearly sanctions the boundaries of private property and the role of the public interest. Otherwise, the city will end up in even greater chaos. Thus we naturally come to capitalist private property, state-capitalist property, cooperative property, party property. Property of the landscape, yet still its natural limitations; as lawful as the acts of its creation and formation are lawful. The obligation for anyone who creates dirt, darkness in the area where they operate will be entirely lawful: police action, fines, OSMAN ALIKLLA (Continues on page 2)

The decisions of this great assembly of the people that has begun its work will set in motion the path to victory for democracy. Let the law say stop to negative phenomena The decisions of this great assembly of the people that has begun its work will set in motion the path to victory for democracy, from which above all the structure of the democratic state and its government will emerge. But as everyone knows, the country is going through an extremely difficult stage; it has been shaken to its foundations and devastated; amid impoverishment and brutality there are extremely negative phenomena that, through the commitment of the justice sector and sound denunciation, have reached very broad proportions: destruction, state plunder, theft, robbery and lawlessness as never before, bullying through force and weapons to dominate, as well as other primitive acts contrary to legal and moral norms. Society, which has lost its roots and soul, still has a very long way to go. And for the complete improvement of this situation, state and local power is entirely inactive. With the new government of 14 July, while order is supposedly prevailing, although not few and not insignificant, the authorities are not coping with the situation. While parliament and the government declare that they will try as much as they can to serve the people, we believe that the Albanian state urgently needs a capable and authoritative central and local power that can uproot and eradicate criminality. It is not the people or the governments that solve this, but the law and those who administer it must make it clear. Let us rely on the legal framework in order to become a true democracy. We also believe that a governmental declaration for stabilizing the situation and saying stop to negative phenomena will strengthen the law against these anti-national, anti-social and anti-state phenomena, and in order to demand its implementation, parliament must preserve a framework of extraordinary and temporary legality (until the situation stabilizes), warning and acting against phenomena such as killings, rapes, robberies, thefts, armed kidnappings, speculation and others. For the offenders, for government officials and functionaries, for negligent employees, as well as against organs and legal persons whose actions would run counter to the requirements of the laws, the strictest measures should be taken, including against accomplices and encouragers of these destructive state forces. It is a necessity that state legal discipline be established in the state, without which matters cannot take the proper and desired course. No party or leader can rise above the president and the government. They must be strictly controlled by parliament, the only body that represents the people. Of course, it must not be confused at all that the demand for strict enforcement of the law means a return to dictatorship; for example, the laws that the current People’s Assembly will issue are meant to serve democracy, not dictatorship. With this, and with many other hallmarks of a moving economy, social life, civic life and order, the state government faces phenomena that we believe have been created in a highly negative way; we need, first and foremost, to move earlier into the rule of law and make it fully possible to become a reality within a very short period. JOSIF ZEGALI

The logic of reform, of building, of progress, of making our society fertile, must also act urgently in the sphere of education. “The Socialists” hand over “power”... (Like Rehova) The philosophy of the school in this generation will become the philosophy of the government in the next generation SCHOOL IN THE VISION OF DEMOCRACY The logic of reform, of building, of progress, of making our society fertile, must also act urgently in the sphere of education. School is a highly active and important component of every society. It carries out institutionalized education and prepares the next generation for society’s future. It is no coincidence that in civilized societies one is judged according to the saying: “Tell me what your school is like today, and I will tell you what society will be like tomorrow.” Reform and progress in our school are demanded by the times in a planned and practical way. They must be adapted to civic thought, but at the same time be biologically grounded in its goals, structure, content and methodology. These necessities are also shaped by the legacy of the socialist school, the possibilities and practices we have established as a result of the pedagogical theoretical thinking of the PP and Enver Hoxha, who oriented socialism and education without any kind of exception. The socialist school was transformed into a powerful instrument of indoctrination. Completely monopolized by the party-state (the PPP, led and directly controlled by it), it turned into an etatist political school, aimed at shaping a person devoted to the state (the party’s new man), exactly as the state wanted. The party-state required that he adapt to its needs and sacrifice himself for its interests. The extreme politicization and ideologization of its content and all its work, the wrong methodologies, complete and flawed triumphalism, total centralization and the absence of free thought are strong arguments against it. The new era demands a completely new school based on democratic philosophy, with administration and organization guided by democratic educational goals. I am trying to offer some thoughts on the changes and tendencies that will define the school’s new profile, but first I will dwell on its essential foundations for implementation. The school must be completely stripped of its etatist and indoctrinating character. It must always be close to and in the service of the interests of our society and its individuals, establish a free mutual order, harmonized toward it, full freedom with freedom, in order to create conditions for the individual as a partner and cooperator in education and learning, who LURIM DEDA (Continues on page 3)

On 6 and 7 April 1992, the National Council of the PRSH held its proceedings under the leadership of the PRSH chairman, Mr. Sabri Godo. THE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF THE ALBANIAN REPUBLICAN PARTY MET On 6 and 7 April 1992, the National Council of the PRSH held its proceedings under the leadership of the PRSH chairman, Mr. Sabri Godo. The agenda of the meeting included an analysis of the party’s work during the campaign for the 22 March elections and the tasks facing the party in the future. The report on the election result, on behalf of the Steering Committee, was presented by a member of that committee, Mr. Cerciz Mingomataj. Among other things, the report emphasized the major contribution made by the PRSH to the creation of the winning coalition and to the victory of democracy in Albania. At the same time, the report analyzed the results achieved and the reasons that led to them. It also underlined the need to reorient the Party and to mobilize all the intellectual potential within it. Finally, the tasks facing the republicans in the future were proposed. The report prompted discussions and remarks from many participants. Many speakers expressed their views, but the general and most sound opinion was that the results achieved should be acknowledged while also emphasizing the need for an intensive increase in work in order to enter a new phase of political organization and decision-making. All speakers also stressed that, alongside the successes of the elections, measures must be taken to improve the party’s organization and discipline, as well as to strengthen ties with the grassroots. It was stressed that the party must now make efforts to set up its organs in all districts of the country and increase political activity in every direction. The work done so far was analyzed and the weaknesses and shortcomings, from which lessons must be drawn, were pointed out. Emphasis was placed on better organization of the apparatus, on deepening the party’s democratic life, and on bringing it closer to the broad layers of the people. Zef Bushati noted among other things that there is still much to be done so that, as a party, we can face with dignity the rapid developments ahead of us, both in politics and in the economy. During the many discussions, the idea was underlined that democracy within the party must be strengthened, as a basic factor for the dynamism of internal life and organizational functioning. New methods require new people, with a new mentality and energy, who will serve to refresh and strengthen the party leadership from the base to the center. At the end of the proceedings, the PRSH chairman, Mr. Sabri Godo, took the floor and in his conclusions, among other things, set as a task the spirit of mobilization and serious commitment that all levels of the PRSH, from the center to the base, must demonstrate in order to face the steps of the new elections that will begin soon. The National Council decided to convene the PRSH Congress on 8 June 1992.

I am an ordinary worker, born in the tumultuous popular years. Congratulations to Prof. Dr. Xhemil Frashëri! I am an ordinary worker, born in the tumultuous popular years. You will understand this from the way I write. Your article published in "Zëri i popullit": "Lanç and the legend of the civil war", pushed me to try to write down what I feel and understand. Let no one judge me for what I say here about democracy and the mistakes. In a democratic period, I, as a worker, think that history is not the monopoly of one party, and even less of one individual. I remember the final exam in HPSSH (first edition). I was given a question about the Mukje Agreement. After giving the historical background, the teacher asked me for an assessment. I answered: The National Liberation War has ended, in so many words. At that time I had not yet become some wise person, but I understood that I was being asked to affirm a lie. I also remember how we judged other non-military figures. You mention names that were around during the four years of war, but you forget that they were commanders of the people. There were also the trials against Esat Pashë Toptani and the German commands, against many people, against Balli Kombëtar, Legaliteti and many others. In all these cases, all sides must be viewed calmly. I remember how many people were left in oblivion and how many others were unjustly raised onto a pedestal. Many historical figures were declared enemies simply because they were not on the party line. Historical truth cannot remain forever under the diktat of a single ideology. I am glad that things are being published freely and that voices are emerging calling for a review of history. You mention those who call the people "commissioned communist folklore." This led an elderly former teacher to recall the beginnings of folklore in the war. "...We are Stalin’s sons, to spill blood far and wide, until the sickle and hammer flag flies over the land..." and then in liberation: "Who liberated Albania? This one? Xoxe and the Party..." I will give the floor to my comrade Mehmet Shehu: "Two lions are roaring, one Asia, one Europe, and in the doorway to the verses that the brave ones 'burned' for the enemies... ours (which was the whole world)..." Enver Hoxha sharpened the sword. Of little value to you, Prof. Dr. Xhemil Frashëri. You have published only the parts of the AQSH and AQP that interest you. But apparently, through carelessness, you have also begun to draw from the fire and the 'small' items from the archive of the Supreme Court. After reading your article, a friend of mine handed me a 'small' document that may have been an error of the time and which you have never regarded as anything like "unwritten historiography." Here is the document word for word: "Criminal record certificate Junus Zëmblak called Hajdin Jonus" MUHAMET ALIKCA (BUTKA) (Continues on page 3)

The National Unity Party accepts no other status for Kosovo except an independent republic. NO OTHER STA- TUS, EXCEPT THE INDEPENDENT REPUBLIC The National Unity Party accepts no other status for Kosovo except an independent republic. Sooner or later, the unification of the Albanian ethnic territories must inevitably take place. These positions of Unikomi were confirmed at the press conference. It was said there that Albanians would find forms and ways to free themselves from the Serbian occupier. MEETING IN PRISTINA The Albanian ambassador to Belgrade, Kujtim Hysenaj, spoke in Pristina with representatives of Kosovo’s Albanian political parties. Representatives of the PSD, the Parliamentary Party and the Christian Democratic Party informed the Albanian ambassador about their work (Continues on page 4)