On 6 and 7 April 1992, the National Council of the PRSH held its proceedings under the direction of the PRSH chairman, Mr Sabri Godo. The agenda of the meeting included an analysis of the party’s work during the 22 March election campaign, as well as the tasks facing the party in the future. The report on the election results, on behalf of the Steering Committee, was delivered by a member of that Committee, Mr Çerçiz Mingomataj. Among other things, the report emphasized the major contribution made by the PRSH to eradicating communism and bringing democracy to victory in Albania. At the same time, the report analyzed the results achieved and the reasons that led to them. It also underscored the need to regenerate the Party and mobilize all the intellectual potential within it. Finally, it proposed the tasks facing Republicans in the future. Many questions were raised by participants at the meeting about the report and the party’s work as a whole. Many speakers expressed their views, while also conveying the opinions of the steering committees of the district branches concerning the reasons for the results achieved, at the same time underscoring the need to intensify the work in preparation for the forthcoming local elections. Other speakers said that the results of 22 March should not discourage us; on the contrary, they call for deep reflection by the party, its leadership and all its levels. This political analysis has, and will continue to have, particular importance, because it will encourage and help us to understand correctly the weaknesses and shortcomings in our work, to assess fairly the objective and subjective factors behind the defeat we suffered, and to determine precisely what must be done. Regarding the party’s organization and propaganda during this period, the PRSH deputy chairman, Mr Zef Bushati, reported that much still remained to be done for the party to face with dignity the rapid developments ahead, both in politics and in the economy. During the many discussions, the idea was emphasized that democracy within the party must be strengthened, as the fundamental factor in democratizing its internal life and ensuring its organizational functioning. New methods require new people, with a new outlook and energy, who will help renew and strengthen the party leadership from the grassroots to the center. At the end of the proceedings, the PRSH chairman, Mr Sabri Godo, took the floor. In his concluding remarks, among other things, he set out the need for a spirit of mobilization and serious preparations by every level of the PRSH, from the center to the grassroots, to meet the new election campaign, which will begin soon. The National Council decided to convene the PRSH Congress on 8 June 1992.

In the example of administration in Tirana - The territory and limits of democracy remain to be defined. - Property and the restrictions on it. - The movement of people, means of transport and goods. - Democratic institutions: the role of state regulation of freedoms and rights. Tirana’s territorial boundary: 1,238 square kilometers. Tirana’s population: More than 250,000 in the city. Three urban administrative centers and 184 villages. Population growth through migration is still completely uncontrolled and unrecorded. ADMINISTRATION The law on land in the countryside brings private ownership of land into being on former agricultural cooperative land. In the city, land—here called “building plots”—is still administered in the name of the state by the urban-planning offices of the regions and the district. With the legal recognition of private property and private owners, it is understood that plots in the city are also being privatized, with a specific area being recognized for legal entities, as also recognized by the court. Nevertheless, the question of ownership of a plot in the city remains beset by many unclear issues, as can be seen in the construction chaos, the filth in streets and on sidewalks, and the darkness that envelops the entire outskirts like a black cloud and spreads turbulently toward the center. Whoever speaks of administration is speaking of possession of property and its day-to-day use by its owner or owners. It seems that in the future there will still be “friction” between the state (executive committees, people’s councils) and owners, because, however much the number of private owners may grow, there will always be general interests, in every case, alongside private interests. Should local solutions perhaps be awaited before taking action? There is no reason to. Then what? The state appears, although it seems not to exist. It establishes a rule, a regulation that makes clear what is and is not permitted. For example, you are allowed to own land privately, and you are told to obtain the title deed. But you are not allowed to plant hashish or drug-producing plants on it. You are allowed to own your house, but you are not allowed to shelter criminals, thieves, stolen goods or drugs in it. Thus, as the freedom of property advances, it has a limit: the point at which another person’s rights begin to be infringed. This brings us naturally to private capitalist property, state-capitalist property, and cooperative-capitalist property—to mixed ownership. It also brings us to the natural restrictions on such property, which are just as lawful as the acts establishing and creating it. The obligation imposed on anyone who creates wealth not to leave the area in which they operate in darkness will be entirely lawful: through policing and the imposition of fines, OSMAN ALKJKA (Continued on page 2)

I am an ordinary worker, born during the years of people’s rule... You will understand from the way I write. Your article published in «Zëri i popullit», «The National Liberation War and the legend of the civil war», prompted me to propose writing what I too feel and understand. Do not judge me harshly, and forgive my mistakes. In a democratic period, I, as a worker, believe that history is not the monologue of one party, much less of one individual. I remember the matriculation-exam question in HPSH (first edition). I was asked about the Mukje agreement. After I had given its history, the teacher asked me what assessment Enver Hoxha had made of it. Your article reproduced his words verbatim. At that time, the articles by Ymer Dishnica and Bedri Spahiu had not yet appeared. So you are bringing something new. I would remind you, however, that the facts are still closely packed together, but you forget that they were communists, not Ballists. And all the «legendary» commanders and commissars who led the National Liberation War, from Koçi Xoxe to Mehmet Shehu, turned out to be traitors, agents and double agents. I will not mention them all here. Try counting them yourself by leafing through the files of AOSH and AQSH. Nevertheless, your article was published in a PS organ; I hope you are not an Enverist. As such, you should have distanced yourself from the dictator. On this occasion I want to remind you of a saying by a young man named A. Kahn: «There are a thousand ways to betray the people. You can oppress them with violence, terror and raids. Exploit them, expropriate them, impoverish millions of men and women in a legally despotic manner, and turn the courts into instruments of punishment». That is how the people are betrayed. So even the «legendary hero», the penultimate one of communism, turns out to be a traitor to the people. I say penultimate because I do not know what assessment you will make of the last one, Ramiz Alia. You mention what you want to call «popular folklore» in your language, but what the people call disgraced communist folklore. This prompted an elderly man, a former teacher, to recall the beginnings of your «folklore» during the war. — «We are Stalinists, and we will shed their blood until it flows over the ground, a flag of hammer and sickle...»; and then, at liberation: «Who liberated Albania? Koçi Xoxe with the Party...» I gave the floor to Comrade Mehmet Shehu: «A new day dawns for the world today, an Asia, a Europe», right through to the verses that «struck terror» into the enemy: «Come, see the whole world»: «Enver Hoxha has sharpened his sword...» In truth, these are small things for you, Prof. Dr. Xhemil Frashëri. You have published only the passages that interest you from AQSH and AQAP. But it seems that, through carelessness, even some «minor» things from the archive of the Supreme Court are beginning to emerge. After reading your article, a friend of mine told me about a «minor» document that might have been an aberration of that time, and that you have never treated such things as «impartial» historiography. Here is the document, word for word: - Certificate of criminal record The person named Hajdin Jonus Zëm- MUHAMET ALIÇKA (BUTKA) (Continued on page 3)

The decisions of this great people’s assembly, whose proceedings have begun, will set the course for democracy’s future victories, above all bringing into being the structures of the democratic state and its government. But, as everyone knows, we are in fact experiencing extremely grave circumstances: the country has been impoverished and devastated for more than four years. Amid this great impoverishment, extremely negative phenomena exist, casting a shadow of domination over us and having grown to very broad proportions: vandalism against state property, theft, looting and hooliganism on an unprecedented scale, the use of force and weapons, as well as other criminal and, naturally, unlawful and antisocial acts, which have profoundly shaken people’s morale and their sense of security in their lives. In the face of this situation, the state and local authorities remain mere spectators. Their conduct encourages these acts, perhaps even strengthens and promotes them; although there are now quite a few people, and not just those who have come forward, they do not take responsibility for the situation. Wishing the parliament and the government that will soon be formed success in fulfilling the people’s demands, I believe that the Albanian state urgently needs an able and authoritative president and government, in whom the people can see their understanding, will and aspirations, and who will strengthen the life of the state. A law on reform of the civil service and other measures are needed to address the situation and put a stop to unhealthy, antisocial and anti-social phenomena and establish the guarantees that are required. Parliament should adopt a package of extraordinary and temporary laws: against crime and to stabilize the situation, without ever damaging freedom, but serving as a warning and a deterrent. This should apply generally to such situations, including murder, rape, looting, theft, destruction and hooliganism, speculation and other offenses. Strict measures must be taken against authorities, government officials, employees and others, as well as against agencies and legal entities whose actions violate the requirements of the law—measures ranging up to the severest penalties for those who collaborate with and encourage these socially destructive forces. It is essential to establish legal discipline in the state, without which effective work and the proper order so urgently needed cannot be achieved. No party or party leader may place themselves above the government’s authority. They must be rigorously supervised by parliament, as must the bodies representing the people. Certainly, the demand that the law be enforced must not be confused with a return to dictatorship, since the laws that the People’s Assembly will enact serve, and will continue to serve, democracy, not dictatorship. Our government and state face many other challenges—political, economic, social and so on—but establishing order and stopping all these extremely negative phenomena, in my view, are among the most urgent legal measures and among those most readily capable of being put into effect within a very short time. JOSIP ZEGALLI

«The Socialists» hand over «power»... (Like Rehova)

The National Unity Party accepts no other status for Kosovo than that of an independent republic. Sooner or later, the union of the Albanian ethnic territories will inevitably take place. These positions of Unikom were confirmed at a press conference. Albanians will find ways and means to free themselves from the Serbian occupier, it was said there. MEETING IN PRISHTINA Albania’s ambassador in Belgrade, Kujtim Hysenaj, held talks in Prishtina with representatives of Kosovo’s Albanian political parties. Participants from the PSD, the Parliamentary Party and the Democratic Party informed the Albanian ambassador about their wor- (Continued on page 4)

The school’s philosophy in this generation will become the philosophy of the government in the next generation The logic of reform, construction and progress, as throughout our society, must urgently be applied in the sphere of education as well. The school is a very active and important component of every society. It provides institutionalized education and prepares the younger generations as a resource for society’s future. In this respect and in principle, the school extends the time needed for knowledge to become social. Our time continually demands planning for reform and progress in our schools. These must encompass society as a whole in order to achieve their aims more quickly and to transform the school, its goals, structure, resources and methodology. This is also made necessary by the legacy of the socialist school and by the possibilities and practices that took root there as a result of the «thought and practice» of the PP and Enver Hoxha, who directed education policy along political lines for decades. The socialist school was transformed into a powerful institution of indoctrination. Completely monopolized by the party-state (PP), and directly led and controlled by it, it became a political and paternalistic school intended to form a person devoted to that state (the party’s new person). It was called upon to serve the state (the Party-state), to spread its needs and to sacrifice itself for its interests. Extreme politicization and ideologization, distortions and, what is worse, teaching methods, the distortion of truths, complete centralization and the absence of free thought provide compelling evidence of this. The new era calls for a qualitatively new school, based on a democratic philosophy, with democratic organization and educational aims. I will try to offer some thoughts on the changes and trends that will shape the new philosophy of the school, from the perspective of ... In the sphere of the philosophy of education. The school must be entirely stripped of its all-encompassing indoctrinating character. It must always be close to, and serve, the interests of our society and its individuals, making those interests paramount and harmonizing them properly, without violating either side. It is expected to be a social and individual partner and collaborator in education and teaching, so that it may LURLIN DUMA (Continued on page 3)