One day before the culmination of the March 22 election campaign, a specialized PS group went to the village of Golem in Lushnjë. They also knocked on the door of A. T., one of the oldest Communists. “You have shown yourself to be honest, loyal and tireless throughout your life. The Party values you greatly. We need people like you today. The Party trusts that your clan will vote for us,” one of the instructors told him. “That’s as you say. I have been and am honest, but poverty has never left me. Look at my house—it’s bare. As for the clan, everyone knows for themselves whom they’ll give their vote to. Now that we have ‘defeated’ imperialism and revisionism, I know whom I’m voting for,” the farmer ended his reply with a sarcastic quip. And this time the farmer voted with conviction, so as not to obey those who had deceived him his whole life. He changed the half-century-old direction of the “water” not simply to try it out, but convinced things would turn out better for him, convinced that he would no longer work for nothing, for 9–10 lekë for 10–12 hours of work. The farmer laughs when he hears socialist theoreticians say that “the mountain voted for the right.” The conductor cannot get the orchestra to play in tune. Now the farmer is waiting. He is not expecting a reward for his vote; rather, he is waiting in good faith for the new government to come closer to him, since until now the governments that came and went looked on from afar. It is logically essential that traders should not tremble before vandals who destroy their produce, steal their livestock, and wreck their gardens, schools, clinics and maternity hospitals. But who destroyed all these things for the farmer? In Divjakë, old people and children cried with grief when they saw the ruins where the greenhouses had stood, greenhouses that could have brought in millions this spring. But they were powerless to stop the destructive tide, from which even the innocent Palace of Culture did not escape. The wicked man had no regard for the sorrow of the children and the elderly. The same thing happened in Karbunarë, Krutje, Çermë, Hysgjokaj, Fier-Shegan and Bubullimë. These are so many examples in Lushnjë alone—what about throughout the country? So far, the justice system has been extraordinarily Olympian in its calm; it has not lifted a finger to remove the mysterious veil covering the perpetrators of the destruction, who, astonishingly, remain anonymous. How long will this go on? The farmer needs justice in accordance with the law, without resorting to taking the law into his own hands. Many farmers repeat the question: Will the unjust allocations of facilities and all the assets of the former cooperatives be reviewed? There are plenty of facts implicating the commissions once again, commissions that grabbed with both hands, while the justice authorities do nothing, soothing their consciences with the excuse: “It’s group property; we can’t intervene!” The farmer expects the unjust valuations of facilities to be corrected—facilities that were sold off for next to nothing, with their value determined by the buyer and, in most cases, without regard to their actual cost. There are even laughable cases, such as a cooperative vehicle fresh out of overhaul being valued at 3,000 lekë, even though the overhaul alone had cost more than 10,000 lekë. It is the same vehicle that was sold two weeks later for more than 70,000. Who shared out the money? There are cases where a newly built electric oven was bought back by former cooperative chairmen for half its value. And there are current cases, too, where former chairmen have become grain contractors, collecting grain from the procurement enterprise and selling it to farmers for as much as 0.80 lekë more per kilogram. How long will these thefts continue? The oversight bodies remain understaffed, but continue to turn a blind eye. So, in all these matters, the honest farmer demands justice... [text continues on page 3] The villager is bewildered when he hears the socialist leaders say that «the left in tune. Now the villager is waiting. He is not waiting for tribute in exchange for his vote; rather, he kindly hopes that the new government will came and went have only looked on from afar. It is logically essential that the countryside, too, receive attention, care and support, so that it can recover. If the 80 percent truly ravaged the Albanian economy, it must nevertheless be acknowledged that it was they who brought it this far. The villager did not sign anything for more than a year. Even an effort once made by the famous Government of Stability was only half-hearted social support, and merely «analogical», because it recognized a class of peasants who received less than two dynym of land per person! Anyone can understand logically that this decision is not for today, but for tomorrow. At the time the decision was made, both the villager who received 2 dynym and the one who received 4 or more were on an equal footing at the starting line. The amount of land per person will create differences tomorrow, when the crops are harvested. So the villagers are waiting. But what is their most pressing need?

These days, the chairman of the Republican Party, Mr. Sabri Godo, received the Greek ambassador, Mr. Malikutis, on the occasion of his departure from Albania. They discussed the development of relations between the two countries and reciprocity between them. Mr. Godo praised the work and efforts of the Greek ambassador and wished him success in his new post. * * * At the request of the Romanian ambassador, Mr. George Miku, a meeting was held between him and the chairman of the Republican Party, Mr. Sabri Godo. During the meeting, the Romanian ambassador spoke about the situation in Romania and the upcoming presidential elections, while Mr. Sabri Godo spoke about the Republican Party’s participation in the government, the problems facing the country today, and the positive development of Albanian-Romanian relations. * * * On April 24, 1992, the Russian ambassador, Mr. Njerubajllov, accompanied by the journalists Balturin and Grizunov of the Russian agency “Novosti,” as well as television reporters, visited the headquarters of the Republican Party. He was received by the Party’s chairman, Mr. Sabri Godo, the deputy chairman Zef Bushati, and members of the Steering Committee, Messrs. Migomataj and Koka. The discussion addressed the transitional situation Russia is going through today. Mr. Godo explained the Republican Party’s position on its participation in the government, adding that the Republican Party would make every contribution to stabilizing the country’s situation while retaining the right to offer constructive criticism of parliament and the government. Mr. Godo explained that today all the major parties profess support for the free market, but that differences in their programs concern the methods and timing of the transition to a free market, recognition of ownership, and other fundamental issues. Mr. Njerubajllov also spoke about the early Albanian migrants in Russia and the association they had recently founded. The need to further develop bilateral relations and to establish contacts as soon as possible with the Republican Party of Russia was emphasized.

For farmers, calm and justice are urgent, vital requirements; they are as necessary as the bread they eat. Order is needed so that the farmer can feel at ease... [part of the text cut off at the upper edge]

The economic system that guarantees a nation’s stability and well-being is the market economy, whose driving force is the private property of free individuals. key areas of reform. In a market economy, the means of production are primarily in private hands. This means that enterprises are under the control of private individuals; that is, individuals, not the government, are responsible for running them successfully. At the same time, individuals are allowed to enjoy the benefits arising from their projects and initiatives. (Continued on page 2)

— ON THE PETITION BY SOME ALBANIAN INTELLECTUALS, PUBLISHED IN THE NEWSPAPER “BASHKIMI” ON APRIL 16, 1992 — First: What does the term “Albanian Question” represent today? What is new about it? Second: The initiators and organizers: people who know the allies and opponents, and understand reality and diplomacy. Third: What does “Now or never” mean for the success or failure of the “Albanian Question,” and how does it relate to the CSCE and the other documents to which Albania is a signatory? In short, what are the near- and long-term prospects, and are Albanians, distinguished by their sense of justice and patience, optimistic? During 1991, first in our press and finally in discussions in the People’s Assembly in the second week of November 1991, the idea of a “National Assembly” appeared in public. Later, many people and public figures became involved in discussions around this gathering, seeking to determine who should organize it, what it should be called, and who deserved the credit for it. Prof. Dr. Sali Berisha expressed his views on this, as did the “Bashkimi” Association of Intellectuals, November 31, 1991; Academician Rexhep Qosja in the newspaper “Progres,” October 8, 1991; the newspaper “Kosova,” September 15, 1991; and others. And finally, the “Petition” by intellectuals, published in “Bashkimi” on April 16, 1992. Here are the main ideas that can be established concerning a term that has existed for a century, a term that calls for patience and logical and historical analysis in order to understand the factors in its favor and the factors against it, which can be understood and anticipated. 1. According to Woldimlers Tzmayonski, Albanian land covered an area of 94,000 square kilometers and had about 2.5 million inhabitants (his book is entitled “Albania and Macedonia,” published in Warsaw in 1903. This fact is cited in “Bashkimi,” March 12, 1992). Over the century in which the Albanian state was formulated and gained independence, its territories were torn away, leaving Albanian lands inhabited ethnically by Albanians within several neighboring states; in other words, Albania, along its land borders, was “surrounded” by Albanians. Therefore, under these circumstances, where relations between states exist, Academician Rexhep Qosja specifies: “We must have neither a lack of political memory nor a lack of an overall project for our national interests. This means that the Albanian Question is neither the Republic of Albania nor the Republic of Kosovo. It is a whole and must not be divided—that is, first into the Albanian Question within Yugoslavia; then, if Yugoslavia breaks up, the Albanian Question in Montenegro, the Albanian Question in Southern Serbia, the Albanian Question in Macedonia, and finally the Albanian Question in Greece. Therefore, now or never, the Albanian Question must take shape…” However one approaches the issue, the “Albanian Question” could hardly be stated more clearly, accurately or justly. It is hard to believe that any honest Albanian would understand the highly respected academician to be, in what he says above, urging anyone to wage war or break away the crown of Albania from neighboring states. What, then, does he want—to have Albania move to its ethnic borders? No. His point is that we should preserve and follow more closely the path of today’s Europe. Those who freely recognize the rights and fundamental freedoms of peoples, wherever they are and wherever they live, recognize the processes of nations. They must not lose the historic opportunity favoring recognition of their fundamental supreme right, namely self-determination under peaceful, democratic conditions. 1. We Albanians in the mother state of Albania, as Albanians everywhere rightly call us, must strongly support our brothers and sisters, quickly and properly learn about their situation, and arrange ways of communicating so that we can travel freely to one another. How Albanians organize themselves in Montenegro, Southern Serbia and Macedonia is their affair. 2. They should make efforts themselves, but also receive strong support from Albania and international organizations, to have their right to private property—to their homes and their inviolability—as well as their legitimate right to expand that property, recognized. [The source text here is garbled: “when a woman is open only to work, what do they need schools for?”] 3. The CSCE documents from Helsinki, Paris and Moscow should be widely publicized, because in these documents Albanians, wherever they live, have everything to gain and nothing to lose. This is a historic opportunity offered to us, and it requires great knowledge and ability to seize it. 4. Albanians, wherever they live, should be able to connect with Albania through national communications, and also have the opportunity to make honest and lawful use of the national wealth... [text continues beyond the lower edge]

(1850) Communism is a return to primitive, savage life, in which men and women eat at the same table without having to pay any kind of tax. Instead of money, communism uses ration coupons, increases the number of parasites and, before creating equality, creates the conditions for fratricidal war. Work and workers are valued only at their minimum. The director or boss will take things in a lazy and crude manner. Thus, there will have to be signs not only of tyranny but also of continual anarchy. Property will be collectivized and polygamy or monogamy will be proclaimed. Monstrous absurdities... It would be the greatest folly of the present century to believe that a person with even two pennies’ worth of sense could be a genuinely sincere communist. Communism is the most direct and violent enemy of democracy. It is the natural ally of absolute monarchy... Communism is the supporter of the charlatan’s prosperity, representing despotism. In the name of service, it kills and then inherits everything... Communists profit from difficult circumstances; unlike profiteers who take a tenth of the produce from their agents, they will take everything. Communism is a stupid male that not only does not produce enough, but also destroys its own order. It does not produce; it does not work. It resembles a band of robbers.

This is a proud moment in the history of our country. Communism in Albania has come to an end. Today we appear before you as Albania’s first democratic government. As a democratic government, we will present the country’s problems and explain how we will support our national progress, which is fundamentally different from communist methods of governance. Under the new democratic regime, we will be guided by these basic principles: 1. The human being, not the state, the government or a political party, is the supreme subject. This means that everyone enjoys freedoms they did not have before: the freedom to think for themselves, the freedom to express their ideas and opinions, and the freedom to pursue the economic, social and other solutions that produce results. The role of government is now to protect these freedoms, not restrict them. 2. We will live under the rule of law. This applies to all citizens and to the government. No person, party or government institution is privileged before the law. 3. In democratic Albania, people will be valued according to their merits. Their position in society will be determined by their abilities and the duties they perform, not by party privileges or government office. 4. The role of government is to create the framework in which our people can test their opportunities and abilities and use them to the fullest for their own benefit. The government has neither the purpose nor the capacity to operate the economy and distribute resources among the population. Our prosperity depends on how much we allow the market economy to flourish. The communist regime everywhere in the world has demonstrated beyond any doubt that an economy directed and controlled by the state cannot work. We in Albania know this better than anyone. 5. In this transitional phase, as we move from a socialist economy to a market economy, we are aware that great hardships have arisen and will arise in people’s lives. A deep and general crisis has engulfed the Albanian economy. Chronic unemployment, high prices, low wages, shortages of consumer goods, and disruptions in the supply of drinking water, electricity and heating cannot be eliminated within a few days. These wounds cannot be healed by administrative decree either. There is only one way: implementing radical economic reforms, as the experience of the former Eastern Bloc countries also shows. Our mission as a government is to begin this reform courageously; without it, there can be no economic assistance from abroad, nor can our country’s resources be put to use. Economic Reform Program The economic system that guarantees a nation’s stability and well-being is the market economy, whose driving force is the private property of free individuals. A market economy is not a mere change of label for the socialist economy. It requires economic mechanisms to operate autonomously, a sound legal system, free competition and the elimination of state bureaucracy from the economy. It also requires integrating our economy into the world economy, to allow foreign investment, the modernization of technology and the development of our people’s abilities. We will focus on several key areas of reform:

. On the occasion of Easter, the Republican Party and the editorial staff of the newspaper “Republika” extend their best wishes to the Albanian Autocephalous Orthodox Church and all the faithful. “HAPPY EASTER”

. Starting with today’s issue, all copies of the newspaper «Republika» will cost 2 lekë instead of 1.5 lekë. This price increase is due to the rise in the price of paper, which increases the cost of producing the newspaper.