June 8: First Congress of the PRSH On this threshold of a new century, we live in a time of unprecedented technological, social and cultural development, as well as accelerated global economic development. Unfortunately, here in central Europe live we, the Albanians, economically and technologically backward, one of the oldest peoples on the most developed continent. Faced with this reality, we express our conviction that the republican system is the highest and most powerful alternative for overcoming this transition phase. This phase is traversed with dedication, conviction, ideals and character. The republican system perfects personality; it is an alternative grounded in spiritual strength and brings together within itself all the attributes of a person’s moral and intellectual life. Republicanism is not a simple mechanism serving only a particular purpose, solely to remove the communists from power; it does not restrict the sphere of individual freedoms. Republicanism is an inner strength and order, a discipline of personality, through which we may continent. Republicans wish to rebuild not the outward form of Albanian life, but its substance: the person, their character, and their faith in republican principles. This motivation is embodied in the statute, which provides that people whose moral and social conduct is unworthy may not be members of the PRSH. We will fight to be a symbol of spiritual strength, justice and national unity. This ideal guides every republican today as they consider the alternative they have chosen, which, in order to be understood, must be viewed in the full breadth and depth of spiritual phenomena. With this concern in mind, issues are being analyzed in every section, so that the branch conferences can be held with concrete and clearly defined tasks and theses. To improve the party’s quality, it is essential to activate all the intellectual potential within the party and refresh the leadership committees with new intellectual members. This should lead to greater cohesion in the leadership committees and their normal functioning, so that they can engage fully in psychological development, etc. tasks and theses. REPUBLICANS IN PARLIAMENT In Albania’s first democratic parliament, where a new constitutional order will be discussed and voted on, the republican deputy also takes part in the debates among deputies over the approval of amendments and laws. Among the people there are many who, with their pleasure, and with sweet and courageous words, wish to oppose every kind of ideology that undermines and destroys the sacred principles of freedom, strength and national pride, faith, the Homeland and the family. Facing the words, programs and concepts of left-wing alternatives for “development,” “tradition” and “progress,” we republicans stand as the right-wing alternative. We do not cling desperately to the past as though to a straw, our last hope of salvation, but neither do we leap blindly into the alluring and enticing scents of the future. We are realistic, sincere and practical. We will always speak to the people in this language. of the human being. inner strength and order, a discipline of personality that runs through the will and intelligence of the universe. For us republicans, the core of our alternative is not merely the ideas of a free-trade system, the encouragement and promotion of individual initiative, private property, the rule of law, private or state enterprises and institutions, but also the republican ideal that educates and develops spiritual life. In addition to economic ruin, the totalitarian communist system left destructive traces in the spirit, in education, in formation. Activating all the intellectual potential within the party and renewing the leadership committees with new intellectual members is essential. This should bring greater cohesion to the leadership committees and ensure organizing the conferences and leading the party toward its first congress. Republicanism is not a popular political movement against an incompetent communist government, or against a monarchist or communist ideal that allowed and helped bring down the authority of the Albanian people and the Albanian state, led the people into economic poverty and a spiritual crisis, and became a dangerous obstacle to Albania’s journey toward development. Rather, it is an ideal that must be enriched by every means ... to see former officials of yesterday hear someone say to “Nasa” somewhere: theft and perhaps even other crimes may remain concealed for want every means permitted under democratic legality. I make these remarks because I wish that the peculiarity be removed from declaralism, which may pose a greater danger than ... FERIAT GJILUJA

THE CURRENT STATE OF THE COUNTRY AND THE ECONOMY (Continued from the previous issue) The period of one and a half years has been not only a period of the most significant political changes in the history of Albania in this century, but unfortunately also a period of tragic destruction of the economy and wealth of this impoverished country, accompanied by alarming disorganization of society and the state. Albanian communism, the most fanatical and unreformed of all the countries of Eastern Europe, remained so even after the radical democratic changes that took place in this part of the world in recent years. We can say without hesitation that it remained just as antihuman and antinational even after the democratic processes that began in December 1990 got under way. The absurd stubbornness of the old and new leaders of this regime, who sought to retain political power at any cost, and their aggressive opposition to democratic opposition forces, led them to the most antisocial act: the open or covert sabotage of the state, its destruction and complete paralysis, and the fomenting of anarchy, chaos and people’s despair. This has become the last resort they resort to through destruction and looting, leaving state property, as well as the people’s property, in the hands of irresponsible individuals. The first and most active element behind these acts was the regime’s most fanatical servants, who incited, organized and provoked this wave of destruction. These hidden detachments were joined by all the antisocial elements—criminals, thieves and lawbreakers—created during the dark years of the regime. But, unfortunately, it must be acknowledged that thousands of people joined the destructive force, driven to take part in these acts by insecurity and despair. Public order and citizens’ safety ... ... are visible and extremely serious. The Albanian state is very weak, or, more precisely, it is almost paralyzed in all its functions. Colossal destruction has been inflicted on the national wealth: schools, kindergartens, hospitals, the telephone and power networks, water systems, canals, storage facilities, livestock barns, offices and factories have been damaged and destroyed; warehouses containing immeasurable quantities of goods, equipment and machinery, livestock, etc., have been stolen from and looted. According to a rough estimate, the total direct losses and damage inflicted on our national wealth amount to several billion lekë, a figure not far from the national damage suffered during the Second World War. Social indiscipline is evident everywhere, in disregard for the law and institutions in general, in opposition to every lawful authority, and in the failure to perform the work and duties of the state. In public places (streets, venues, buses, etc.), hooligans openly operate, even threatening citizens’ lives with weapons. Armed robberies of private and state property continue to be a worrying phenomenon. There are many cases of [unclear] and brawling. Smuggling across the border is beginning to become a problem. Unauthorized construction and the forcible occupation of premises have now become a mass phenomenon. An equally painful scourge is official and private corruption and profiteering. The failure of the relevant state bodies to act, and the lack of appropriate anticorruption laws, created the conditions for the illegal enrichment of profiteers, smugglers, many civil servants and officials who exploit their state powers, as well as individuals and managers of enterprises and other institutions. Private companies and foreign individuals of a dubious nature are increasingly being encountered in our midst. These “pioneers” of profiteering and crime are becom-

Last Thursday, during the 8:00 p.m. news, an interview with Mr. Blerim Cela, chairman of the State Audit Commission, was broadcast. To begin with, I would say that I have no doubt whatsoever about Mr. Cela’s sincerity, seriousness and dedication, or about his efforts to ensure transparency. Among the many problems facing the Audit Commission that its chairman mentioned, the issue that stayed with me was that of the new rich, a problem of the so-called transition period. This issue is a topic of conversation among almost all the Albanian people, and naturally so, since the system through which society as a whole is passing, ... concerning an individual’s wealth and ultimately means ... So, if we judge this problem, we should not become alarmists ... Can someone who has wealth be called rich ... in Albania? Starting from ... the rich ... How ... And now everyone thinks there are people of this kind who can be called wealthy. The question arises: how did they become so within such a short time? Wealth does not come easily. It takes years of exhausting work, intelligence, risk-taking and saving. For “these rich people” among us, years of work were not needed, but only the intelligence to take advantage of the opportune moment that arose. This wealth was created through speculation and bribes (for those who held party or government posts), though perhaps in the case of some it was also earned through honest work, which seems rather unlikely to me, considering the short time involved. Who are these people? Where is their money? Certainly not in the bank, since the bank is in great difficulty for cash. Where they keep it is their own business; consequently, it is not known how much they have. Thus, we return once again to Mr. Cela’s interview. According to him, the Audit Commission will adop[t] a firm stance toward the “new rich.” Personally, I ... and the greater part of the people ... will turn into a [unclear] thing as happened when this occurred, but this presents two contradictions. On the one hand, we seek to become rich, while on the other we fight those who become rich, and ... The second is the impossibility of carrying out every investigation, since the struggle to ... become rich by any means has spread so widely that I cannot understand where one should begin. That is why statements of this kind seem extremely naive and hasty to me, although I am convinced that Mr. Cela makes them sincerely and with the desire to take decisive action, which truly falls within the remit of the Audit Commission. It is truly terrible for us to see yesterday’s former officials among the rich. But my opinion is that they do not deserve to be dealt with through the actions of the Audit Commission, however firm it may prove to be, but by other means. And something else: the matter of anonymous letters, which Mr. Cela also mentioned. I happened to hear him say ... “If you have two heads and don’t mind losing one, go and complain...” There is something to this. If yesterday someone sent a letter without signing it because they feared the Sigurimi, today they fear for their life. Thus, speculation, theft and perhaps even other crimes may remain concealed because of the absence of a name at the end of the letter. In my opinion, the most dishonest conduct must be fought by every means permitted under democratic legality. I offer these remarks because I wish that ... declaralism, which may pose a greater danger than ...

Tirana. As part of the review of the results of the March 22 elections, an expanded meeting with members and supporters of the PR in the Tirana district was held on April 24 in the hall at the party’s central headquarters, to analyze the reasons for and weaknesses in the work of this branch that led to the March 22 result. Tirana As part of the review of the results of the March 22 elections, an expanded meeting with members and supporters of the PR in the Tirana district was held on April 24 in the hall at the party’s central headquarters, to analyze the reasons for and weaknesses in the work of this branch that led to the March 22 result. The meeting was attended by the PRSH deputy chairman, Mr. Zef Bushati, members of the PR Steering Committee, as well as former parliamentary candidates from the Tirana district. In his opening remarks, the chairman of the PR branch in Tirana, Mr. Maksim Haviari, gave an overview of the branch’s work during the election campaign, focusing mainly on the relevant tasks that emerged from the review at the meeting of this branch’s Steering Committee. Continuing, Mr. Haviari pointed out the main weaknesses of the Tirana branch that affected the PRSH’s overall results in the March 22 elections. In particular, he stressed that the review found that, in the March 22, 1992 elections—the early elections—there had been a [unclear] for understanding the election law. Also, because of difficulties organizing the work, we were unable to provide republican observers at all polling stations. The election results of March 22 were also affected by a lack of funds. The financial funds provided by the state were incomplete and arrived very late, leaving us unable to make preparations in advance and ... In conclusion, Mr. Haviari emphasized the concrete tasks that should emerge from this meeting, so that the Tirana branch conference and the PRSH congress could be approached with a clearer vision for the future. After those present had also been acquainted with the material on the conclusions of the PRSH National Council, which reviewed the reasons that led to the March 22 election results, they asked many questions, which were duly answered. The meeting then continued with extensive discussion among those present. The discussions emphasized the negative effect of the failure to properly communicate the terms of the coalition to the public: since people thought that the PD, PR and PSD were a coalition, they believed that their votes could be given to any one of the three. One of the speakers stressed that one of the reasons for these results was the inadequate representation of the PRSH during the 45-minute presentation of the political parties’ programs on television at the close of the election campaign. He also continued, the PR did not campaign adequately to promote its candidates, whose continued statements had a negative effect; our limited ties with young people also had a negative impact. By pursuing a closed policy, we failed to attract more well-known intellectuals who enjoy public support. The PR deputy chairman, Mr. Zef Bushati, then spoke. After expressing the leadership’s concern about the Tirana branch, he said that the meeting formats had been wrong and that there should have been more dynamism. He expressed his wish to speak with the republicans and criticized the branch chairman for not giving him the opportunity to do so. After these remarks, he was interrupted by many people in the hall, who pointed out that he should have taken the initiative himself, as a party deputy chairman, and not allowed himself to depend on others. And if he had indeed been obstructed, why had he not used his authority and acted independently? With the intervention of the branch chairman, Mr. Maksim Haviari, the participants’ reaction calmed down, and after Mr. Vezir Hoxha spoke, criticizing all the members of the leadership, the discussion was closed.

As part of the reorganization of the PRSH’s work and the tasks ... (Continued on page 4)