DEPUTY PARTY CHAIRMAN ZEF BUSHATI REPUBLICAN 8 June: 1st Congress of PRSH TOWARD REPUBLICAN IDEALS DEPUTY PARTY CHAIRMAN ZEF BUSHATI REPUBLICAN On the threshold of the new century, we are living in an era of unprecedented technological, social and cultural development, as well as accelerated global economic growth. Unfortunately, in the heart of Europe we live as one of the most economically and technologically backward peoples, as Albanians, one of the oldest peoples on the most developed continent. Faced with this reality, we express our conviction that the republican system is the highest and most favorable alternative for overcoming this transitional phase. This phase can be passed with dedication and conviction, with ideals, with personality. The republican system perfects the individual; it is an alternative of spiritual strength, bringing together all the attributes of human moral and intellectual life. Republicanism is not a simple mechanism serving only a specific purpose, only to overthrow communist power; it does not calculate only individual envy. Republicanism is an inner force of order, a discipline of personality that runs through the will and intelligence of each person. We republicans do not place at the center of our alternative only the ideas of a free-market system, the encouragement and stimulation of individual initiative, private property, the rule of law, and the building of private and state institutions, but the republican ideal that educates and develops the spiritual personality. The totalitarian communist system, besides economic ruin, left destructive marks on the soul, on education, on psychological formation, etc. Republicans want to build not just Albanian life, but substance, the person, his character, his faith in republican principles. This motive shines through the statute, where persons lacking any kind of moral and social integrity cannot be members of PRSH. We shall fight to make it a symbol of spiritual strength, justice and national unity. This ideal guides every republican who thinks about the alternative he has chosen, which today, as understood, must be viewed in its entirety, as a simple spiritual bond. With this concern, the problems are being analyzed in every section, in order to go to the branch conferences with concrete and clearly defined tasks. To improve the party’s qualities, it is necessary to activate all the intellectual potential existing in the party, as well as to refresh the leading committees with young intellectual elements. This, by giving the leading committees compactness in their normal functioning, is intended to engage them fully in the development of the conferences and in steering the party toward its first congress. Republicanism is not a political popular movement against an incompetent communist government, nor against a monarchist and communist ideal that awakened and stopped the authority of Albanians and of the Albanian state from rising, which led the people into economic poverty and a spiritual crisis that has become a dangerous obstacle for Albania on its road to development, but rather an ideal that rises against any ideology that destroys and shatters the sacred personalities of freedom, movement and national pride, of faith, of the Fatherland and the family. Before the promises, programs and concepts of the left-wing alternatives for development, “tradition” and “progress,” we republicans stand, the right-wing alternative, which has not been desperately attached to the past, like a glass thread for the very last soul, nor do we believe in a closed style among new patchwork. History proves it. We are realistic, sincere and concrete. With this language we will always speak before the people. REPUBLICANS IN PARLIAMENT In the first democratic Albanian parliament, where a new constitutional order will be discussed and voted on, republican deputies also take part in the debates over the adoption of amendments to the laws. For much of the people, they are the ones who, with their demands, with sweet and courageous words, wish to give us strength to modernize the parliament’s resolution, leading to outcomes undesirable for us, the determined opposition republicans who fought with courage, bravery and wisdom against the savage communist dictatorship. A large part of the people wants us republicans to bring our group into parliament, into the democratic assembly. And yet, even though we do not have a parliamentary group, we have our voice. (Continues on page 3)

How Will the Wealth of the New Rich Be Verified? Last Thursday, on the 8 p.m. news, an interview with Mr. Luan Çela, chairman of the Budget Control Commission, was broadcast. First of all, I would say that I have no doubt whatsoever about Mr. Çela’s sincerity, seriousness and dedication, as well as his efforts to find transparency. However, among the range of problems raised by the Control Commission, which its chairman mentioned, what stayed in my mind was the problem of the “new” rich, a product of the so-called “transition” period. This issue has become a topic of conversation for almost the entire Albanian people, and that is natural, since the system itself in which our society has been wandering, with its individual boasting (?) of the rich and so on, would call it wealth and property. Yet, despite all such concerns, we do not want, and are not talking about, whether in Albania there are “new” or “old” rich, but rather whether there is really wealth in Albania. Looking at the way this issue is presented, anyone may seem richer in our eyes. But if we start from who is considered rich in a Western country, we can say that these “new” people are not. Nevertheless, whatever wealth they may have, we need these people, because they are taxpayers, they help create more jobs, and they will also strive for development to move forward through their investments, which means development. It is known that not more than two years ago one could not even speak of such rich people, except for the bloc officials. Now everyone thinks there are people who can be called rich. The question arises: what made them so in such a short time? Wealth does not come by itself. It requires years of hard work, intelligence, risk and saving. Here, these “rich people” do not need years of work, but only the cleverness to take advantage of the favorable moment that has been created. This wealth was created through speculation, theft (with regard to party and government posts), but also through wealth earned with honest work, which seems a little difficult to me, given the short time involved. Who are these people? Where did they get the money? In the bank, certainly not, since the bank is not in a position to hold cash. It is their business to know where it came from; otherwise no one knows how much they have. Here, too, the shortcomings of Mr. Çela’s interview are evident. According to him, the Control Commission will keep a “hard line” with the “new rich.” For my part, and for a large part of the people, it would be pleasing if this happened, but here there are two opposing points. On the one hand, we demand to get rich, and throughout life we fight those who get rich; on the other hand, there is the impossibility of carrying out such verification, since the struggle to become rich by any means has spread so much that I cannot even understand where one should begin. That is why his statements seem to me far too naive and provocative, although I am convinced that Mr. Çela says them honestly and from a desire to take determined actions that truly belong to the Control Commission. For us it is truly terrifying to see tomorrow the former officials of yesterday as rich men. But my view is that this will not begin with the actions of the Control Commission, however firm it may be, but through other means. And one more thing: the issue of anonymous letters, which Mr. Çela also mentioned. I have heard of cases where someone used to say, “If one does not pity you, go complain.” There is something here. If in the past someone wrote a letter and did not sign it because he feared the security services, today he fears for his own name. So many matters may remain hidden, thefts, even though in the past crimes bore both a first and last name at the end of the letter. In my opinion, ignorance must be fought with all the means allowed by morality and the law. I write these things as observations, because I wish the new government to avoid statements and present them more greatly than they are. FERHAT GRUJA

Çerrik As part of the reorganization of PRSH’s work and the tasks k[ (Continues on page 4)

(Continued from the previous issue) THE CURRENT SITUATION OF THE COUNTRY AND THE ECONOMY THE PROGRAM OF THE DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENT (Continued from the previous issue) THE CURRENT SITUATION OF THE COUNTRY AND THE ECONOMY The period of one and a half years has been not only the period of the most important political changes in the history of Albania in this century, but unfortunately also a period of tragic destruction of the economy and the wealth of this poor country, a period marked by destructive and chaotic organization. Albanian communism, the most fanatical and backward of all the countries of Eastern Europe, remained so even after the fundamental democratic changes that took place in recent years in this part of the world. We can say without hesitation that it remained just as antihuman and anti-national even after the start of the democratic processes launched in 1990. The absurd stubbornness of the old and new representatives of this regime, in trying at any cost to hold on to political power, and their aggressive opposition to the democratic opposition forces, led them to an even more anti-Albanian and anti-people act that inevitably condemned the honor and the blame of the Albanian people to the hell of anarchy, chaos and human despair. This was the final toll the Albanians paid to the sovereign communist system, no less painful and tragic. The aim of these strategists of evil was clear: to present democracy as chaos, individual freedom as anarchy, the individual economy as the total impoverishment of the majority and the limitless enrichment of a few, the disappearance of the communist state as the death of the state in itself. The consequences of this strategy are visible and highly felt today. The Albanian state is extremely weak, or more precisely, it is almost paralyzed in all its functions. The colossal destruction of a national wealth base, damaged and destroyed by no one in particular, includes heaps of thousands of electricity, food, warehouse, depot, stable, office and factory facilities; warehouses with incalculable quantities of goods, equipment and machinery, livestock, etc., have been stolen and looted. According to an approximate calculation, the total of the losses and direct damage to our national wealth reaches several billion lekë, a figure not far from the national damages suffered during the Second World War. The first and most active elements in carrying out these acts were the most fanatical servants of the communist regime, who incited, organized or provoked this wave of destruction. These were suppressed destabilizations in which many people joined, driven by insecurity and despair to take part in these destructive acts. Public order and the safety of citizens have been seriously compromised. None of us will deny that the arrival of the long-awaited “democracy” was accompanied by the immediate decline of criminality, vagrancy and banditry. But everyone must understand correctly that, as the crisis deepens, it leads to the emergence of criminality and violations of order. A social breakdown is visible everywhere, in the disregard for the law, for the republican bodies that enforce it, in defiance of lawful authority, and in the failure to perform the work and duties of the state. In public places—streets, venues, buses, etc.—vagrants openly demand money by force and even threaten citizens’ lives with weapons. Armed robberies of private and state property continue to be a troubling phenomenon. Cases of murders driven by revenge and quarrels are not few. Smuggling at the border is beginning to become a problem. Unauthorized construction and the forcible occupation of premises have now become a mass phenomenon. Another no less painful wound is official and private evasion and speculation. The lack of organized state action and of appropriate anti-corruption laws created the ground for the illegal enrichment of wheeler-dealers, smugglers, the “mafia” made up of officials who speculate with state powers, as well as some enterprise managers and other institutions. Private firms and foreigners of a suspicious nature are being encountered more and more often in our environment. These “pioneers” of speculation and so-called honest profit have infiltrated activities and even suspicious, dishonest and, why not, dangerous associations. The lack of law and its incorrect and unjust enforcement, the inaction and paralysis of state bodies can no longer be tolerated! Anarchy and the notion that “everything must go” go along with it. (Continues on page 2)

Chronicle Tirana As part of the analysis of the election results of 22 March, on 24 April, in the hall of the party’s central headquarters, an expanded meeting was held with members and supporters of the PR in the Tirana district, to analyze the causes and weaknesses of the work of this branch, which led to the result of 22 March. The meeting was attended by the chairman of PRSH, Mr. Zef Bushati, members of the PR executive committee, as well as former candidates for deputies in the Tirana district. In his opening remarks, the chairman of the PR branch for Tirana, Mr. Maksim Haviari, gave an overview of the work of this branch during the election campaign, focusing mainly on the corresponding tasks that emerged from the analysis at the meeting of the branch’s executive committee. Continuing, Mr. Haviari pointed out the main weaknesses of the Tirana branch, which affected PRSH’s overall results in the 22 March elections. In particular, he stressed, the analysis shows that the Tirana district managed to reach 2 percent in the 22 March elections. Poor and insufficient work was done immediately in familiarizing people with the election law. There were also difficulties in organizing the work, and we were unable to staff all polling stations with republican observers. The results of the 22 March elections were also influenced by the lack of funds. And those funds were raised from insufficient volunteer work and from a small number of voters, without the possibility of presenting ourselves more extensively in the campaign. It was also emphasized that an important factor was the lack of visual propaganda material, especially posters of the candidates and their photographs. In conclusion, Mr. Haviari stressed the concrete tasks that should emerge from this meeting in order to go to the Tirana branch conference and the 1st congress of PRSH with a clear vision for the future. After his presentation, they were familiarized with the material on the conclusions of the PRSH National Council, which analyzed the causes of the 22 March elections and set out the corresponding answers to them. The meeting then continued with numerous interventions from those present. The discussions highlighted the negative effect caused by the failure to address, or properly present, the conditions of the coalition to public opinion, which, thinking that PD-PR-PSD were in coalition, believed that votes could be given to one of the three. One of the speakers emphasized that among the causes of these results was also the unworthy representation of PRSH in the 45-minute presentation of the program of political parties on television, at the close of the election campaign. He added that PR also did not fight properly to produce good visual propaganda for its former candidates. Furthermore, the speaker continued, the few wall posters we had with the youth had a negative influence. By pursuing a closed policy, we failed to attract more well-known intellectuals who enjoy public sympathy into our ranks. Later, the deputy chairman of PR, Mr. Zef Bushati, took the floor and, after expressing the leadership’s concern for the Tirana branch, said that the forms of meetings with supporters had been wrong. There should have been more dynamism. He expressed his desire to form a group with the republicans and criticized the branch chairman for not giving him the opportunity to do so. After these words, he was interrupted by many people in the hall, who pointed out that, as deputy party chairman, he should have shown initiative himself and not allowed himself to be shut in by others. And although debates did indeed obstruct things, he had not used his authority, nor had he acted independently. With the intervention of the branch chairman, Mr. Maksim Haviari, the participants’ reaction calmed down, and after the speech of Mr. Vezir Hoxha, who criticized all members of the leadership, the discussions were closed. At the end of the meeting, the concrete measures that this branch should take to remove the sections were emphasized, by activating new elements and those with clear republican positions.