. To the war veterans, on this coming May 5, the first one to be free in Albania, I bow respectfully before the martyrs, before those who fell for the true freedom of the Albanian people. Our people have honored and will always cherish their pure ideal. The former communist regime, despite all its ostentatious displays of honoring them, was not guided by their ideals. Some of those who fell heroically for Albania’s liberation were not even given the title of martyr by the communist regime, the red dictatorship. For various and most absurd reasons, the communist regime imprisoned, interned, and persecuted many martyrs’ families. Today, with the establishment of democracy, you veterans feel liberated in every respect. We are happy because at last, after so many years of communist bondage, the martyrs’ dream has taken wing. We war veterans will cherish the trust placed in us by martyrs such as Qemal Stafa, Shyqyri Ishmi, Hamit Shijaku, and thousands of others as something most precious. This May 5, the fallen will also be free. From the Independent Democratic Association of Veterans of the Albanian People’s War

. The existence of the Albanian nation, perhaps now the only one in the world whose people are organized into several states and many diasporas, on the one hand, and the spirit of peaceful settlement of national borders that characterizes today’s political era, on the other, increases the necessity and creates the conditions for Albanians to take an interest in and work toward uniting themselves in one state. This does not make them anachronistic, as some imply; on the contrary, it makes them fellow travelers in the course of modern politics. That this spirit has become worldwide today is shown by the fact that it is gaining ground not only in Europe (the Germans, etc.) but also in Asia (the Koreans, etc.), and not only among backward peoples but, first and foremost, among developed ones (the Germans). The extent of commitment to national unity therefore also shows how developed we are in our national consciousness and how closely we follow the currents of modern politics. Such an introduction would not even be necessary if national politics were not considered anachronistic and naive by some Albanians in contrast to a supposedly lofty pan-European politics; if matters had not gone so far that the press even declares that «Europe today no longer discusses questions of borders, and anyone who raises them, however justified they may be, receives no support»; and if there were not more than sufficient signs showing that political currents are operating within our nation that not only do not want national unity but are also working feverishly against it. The ideas that the Kosovars will rule us, that Ju- HYSAMEDIN FERAJ (Continued on page 2)

About thirty workers at the marble mine in Muhur went on hunger strike on 27. 4. 1992 in protest, where-

Eastern Europe’s Past - «The Economist», in one of its March issues, published: Eastern Europe’s Past The Labyrinths of Justice - «The Economist», in one of its March issues, published: - What should be done with those who served communism in Eastern Europe? This is not a simple problem for the new democrats. It involves questions of law, morality, and political and economic interests - «In a parliamentary session that lasted three days in a row, deputies by an absolute majority declared their ruler “guilty” of collaborating with the foreign enemy and attempting to flee. A proposal for a referendum failed. The deputies, exhausted by then, voted for the death penalty. Two attempts to banish him were thwarted. On January 21, 1793, citizen Louis Capet - Louis XVI - went to the guillotine. With the exception of the horrors of Romania, the anti-communist revolutions of Eastern Europe were not bloody. The death penalty was, for all practical purposes, abolished in this region. Nevertheless, leaving the method of punishment aside, the problem of political justice is just as difficult for Eastern Europe as it was for a divided parliament in Paris 200 years ago. For post-communist societies, finding the right way to settle accounts with those who ruled them under communism is vitally important, both for the health of their newly born democracy and for its speed and the tyrants, said Thomas Jefferson, America’s third president and one of its first ambassadors in Paris. But exemplary justice has its pitfalls. The lesson given may be misunderstood. Nikolai Çauşesku, Romania’s dictator, and his wife were shot after a kangaroo (unauthorized) trial, which convinced many Romanians that communism was still in power. This was soon followed by an exposé trial of four of his henchmen, with shaved heads and prison uniforms. This did little to change the minds of Romanians. Dishonest individuals, accused of genocide, were declared guilty and imprisoned. Although hated, these people were widely seen as victims. Trials can be irreproachable. Violations may have been recognized as crimes at the time they were committed. Nevertheless, trials of former leaders can make the law seem anything but lenient and fair. The trial of Teodor Zhivkov, Bulgaria’s former leader, for embezzlement and abuse of office has been postponed so many times for health reasons that it seems it will

It is known that the former president’s clock has stopped. But it seems he left it in Shkodër. In the interview Mr. Aliu gave the newspaper «Ora», the organ of the Socialist Party, among other things, what catches one’s attention is his statement about the figure of the dictator Enver Hoxha: «I do not want to be hasty in my assessment of his figure.» Then the question naturally arises: Were you hasty when you called him the architect of Albania? Every personality has a day of birth and a day of death. So why were you hasty and made him an immortal god? Were you hasty when you removed «Our Enver» from the list of masterpieces? Why did you ruin this people by working for Enver’s day, week, month, and year? No, Mr. Ali, no matter how hard you have tried, you cannot rid yourself of the suspicions. What amazes me is that you did not give the interview to ZP, where you had been summoned, while they too have been in Zero for around 50 years and have lived… But when a person becomes convenient, the editor-in-chief is no longer there, Mr. Frederik Reshpja, with whom I was a fellow prisoner. What am I trying to tell you? … Enver Hoxha has left behind a successor…

About thirty workers at the marble mine in Muhur went on hunger strike on 27.4.1992 in protest against the arbitrariness of the enterprise director, Shkëndër Leka. on hunger strike on 27.4.1992 in protest against the arbitrariness of the enterprise director, Shkëndër Leka, who has been dismissing them for a whole month, as well as the provocative indifference of all the local government structures, from the court and prosecutor’s office to the Executive Committee, which either show or pretend to be powerless, leaving this director free to do as he pleases and make the law at their expense. As we later learned from the hunger strikers, violence was also used against them; their way to work was blocked and they were even driven out of the meeting where the elections for the enterprise’s Governing Council were being held. In none of these cases did the police see fit to perform their duty, while on the day the strike began they tried to forcibly remove the strikers from the hall. In any case, for now, while the court, prosecutor’s office, Executive Committee, and Ministry of Construction remain silent, the strike continues and the children wait for their parents to provide them with their daily bread. Correspondent of «REPUBLIKA»

The sea is not a free prisoner. From the old beach; along Skela and all the way to its exit there are two rows of barbed wire. Soldiers with guns guard it—but from whom? In the dreadful month of March last year, many people left. The best; the young; the dreamers; workers without jobs. If we were to join in the media concern at the beginning, it is regrettable that now a new game is being manipulated that reeks of a filthy cover-up!! Logically, only fishing boats with their fish cargoes and their crews have the right to go to Italy, under regular contracts with the Italian side. Everything else, wherever it may be (the fishermen’s boats), is prohibited. Those with proper documents must leave only from Durrës. Honest people conduct their business under their real names, while speculators speculate with the sea to make material gain. In an effort not to get tired, and the city that did not invent the exodus… All Albanians can…

As an alternative between a broad amnesty and a purge, a few brutal examples might seem like a good compromise. «The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots… both for the health of newly sprouted democracy and for the speed of economic reform. Every new order must make a forceful decision about the fate of the old one. Should it draw a line under the past, even without taking… The trial of Teodor Zhivkov, former head of Bulgaria, for embezzlement and abuse of office has been interrupted will never end. The Germans say they are suffering in their efforts to put Erik Honeker, the former dictator of Germany… (Continued on page 4)

- What socialism has left us as a legacy in regard to bread. - What the «Bread Panic» is, and what factors give rise to and deepen it. - Ways to find a definitive solution to supplying the people with bread. I am certain that the only slogan that has not been absent from any city in Albania has been: «The struggle for bread is the struggle for socialism». The tragicomedy of this slogan and of this economic system, which we Albanians have now unanimously decided to boycott, can be explained by the simple fact that, despite the importance it gives this issue in words, the truth is that those who have worked in bread and flour production have spent their entire lives working—and continue to work—under an alarming work regime, that is, their whole lives on three shifts and without a break. And why does this happen? The extreme centralization of bread production in very large factories (or in a single factory in each district) is entirely unacceptable, both for guaranteeing bread supplies and for meeting consumers’ demands for bread. Thus, in the event of a mechanical or electrical fault at this one large factory, all bread production at that factory is suspended. The factors that give rise to bread panic are subjective (for example, Y. Buti) or objective (shortfalls in production or trade); they are accompanied by the immediate or gradual emptying of bread shops. Alarmed, the consumer buys not only the amount of bread needed for one day the next day, but enough for two or three days. Yet the maximum capacity of all the bakeries in any district is no more than 1.3 times that district’s bread-supply needs. Thus, when demand rises during a «Bread Panic», the factories work at much higher output levels, but still cannot meet the population’s immediate needs. To put bread supplies in order once and for all, in accordance with the needs of the times, the entire bread-production system must be changed—that is, we must move from more… Why do we have such a system for producing bread…? If the task is so simple, why is no capital or foreign investment entering this small-scale private sector? The answer lies in the extremely low price of our bread compared with bread throughout the world (in relation to the dollar). Any private operator who bought flour at the international import price would have no interest in investing in bread, because not only would they fail to recoup their investment, they would also make a loss. To date, the previous governments (SE Stabiliteti and Teknllika) have only talked or formed consortia or offered very long-term loans when dealing with a cardinal issue such as bread. The fact that the technical possibilities for rapidly building many small bakeries throughout Albania are real should prompt the first Democratic Government to take measures specifically to build these bakeries, confident that the dollars it spends on bread will be repaid by them… Currently in Tirana, for example, there are more than 15 bread shops which, given their size and large floor area, could very well be converted into bread-production and sales units. Therefore, we should aim to increase bread production where it is sold, as is currently the case with the two bakeries in Tirana: at Pazari i Ri and in Tirana e Re. Only this bread production and trade can satisfy consumers and eliminate the «Bread Panic», and do so very quickly, since the buildings for installing these bread-production lines are almost ready, and the equipment for bread production can be installed very quickly because it does not require concrete foundations or on-site structures. Such a small factory could start operating within a week if placed in the hands of a qualified group of people and if the government gives it a hand. Nukkush, by judging or by… GJENC PRIFTI PRESIDENT OF ND. TRE…

SHIBA has planned a new aid package amounting to 35 million dollars. Discussions are also under way to help Albania obtain most-favored-nation status in trade.