Following the successful multiparty elections in Kosovo The wave of violence by the Serbian authorities in Kosovo against the Albanians at the end of 1989 and the beginning of 1990 was a decisive, perhaps even historic, moment for shaping the pan-Albanian defensive plan, a strategy ... of the discredited regime of Europe’s last red dictatorship. Without going into a deeper analysis of these causes and reasons for choosing this path, which was also imposed by factors ... over an independent and sovereign Kosovo and with the May 24 elections for members of the Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo and for the president of Kosovo, for the first time in the long history of the struggle for freedom and independence ... The wave of violence by the Serbian regime in Kosovo against 1990 was a decisive, perhaps even historic, moment in shaping an all-Albanian plan of defense, a new strategy for the self-organization of Albanians amid the great upheavals in Eastern Europe and the disintegration of Yugoslavia. From then on, following the overthrow of Vojvodina’s autonomy and the spread of the so-called antibureaucratic revolution led by Millosheviqi, with his militants operating openly and violently to realize the Greater Serbian dream of conquering new lands—not only in Kosovo, but also in Bosnia, Croatia and beyond—Albanians faced Hamletian dilemmas: how to act—organized resistance with all their strength, even to the point of open and direct conflict, or a complex political course, employing all intellectual forces and peaceful means, without provoking or instigating armed conflict with the occupying regime, a wounded beast. There are many reasons why Albanians in Kosovo and other regions chose the peaceful path of organized and active resistance, in order to achieve their primary goal of independence—the independence of Kosovo—and defeat the discredited regime of the last dictatorship in Europe. Without going into a deeper analysis of the imposed by international factors and the actual situation of Yugoslavia as an essentially artificial creation, it should be understood in this context that the chosen path of organized resistance through politics and peaceful means, by internationalizing the Kosovo question and the Albanian question in general, together with the successful completion of Kosovo’s first free, multiparty elections, produced the principal, ultimate and momentous result arising from the peaceful spirit of the Albanians—legitimate government. Following this political path, under occupation, during these past two years Albanians in Kosovo truly managed only to bring to completion a long process of the all-national movement for freedom, independence, and the political and administrative sovereignty of Kosovo as a distinct geopolitical whole, from Dardania onward. With the constitutional declaration on Kosovo’s independence, the proclamation of its Constitution, the organization of the referendum on an independent and sovereign Kosovo, and struggle for freedom and independence, the people’s government was legitimized. Thus, also drawing on the advanced norms of world democracy, Albanians completed the work they had to do at this stage, in order to move on to the next, decisive phase: final liberation from Serbian rule. The legalization and institutional organization of this government, elected by the free vote of voters, now give the Albanians’ liberation struggle an even more multidimensional character. The institutional destruction, over the past two years, of the autonomy Kosovo had under the Yugoslav Constitution brought the people to a point where they had to bring forth their own representatives. Political parties emerged, along with their leaders, and the process of internal self-organization was completed very quickly. The tricks and divisions, using familiar Slavic means and methods, that the Serbian regime could employ among Albanians were countered by legalizing the government in this way and electing the undisputed president, RUSTEM RUGOVA (Continued on page 4)

When you forget the past, you are destined to experience it again Last year I had to engage in press polemics with Messrs Musa Ulqini, Fatmir Zanaj, and Ismet Boka, who denied that a coup d’état had been organized in Albania in February 1991. The warnings about this coup and its denunciation were called by the PP(S) newspapers “figments of the imagination,” “dreams,” etc. And yet people have not forgotten and cannot forget this coup. Its organizers or those implicated in it surely cannot get it out of their minds either. From time to time, the press too is compelled to refer in various ways to this ugly event from the year of the struggle for democracy. In an article entitled “Toward zero level, as politics wants it,” in “The Albanian Woman” by Vjollca Selami, published in “24 Orë” No. 25, it says: “The zero-level strategy became clear particularly after last year’s elections ... At first it was called a ‘strategy of tension’ and ... there was an opportunity for a coup d’état.” (My emphasis—AB). Thus the Tirana socialists continue to “DENY” the coup. But in the same newspaper, they themselves quote Lino de Matteis’s observation in “Dialogue with Ramiz Alia”: “When in February 1991, with the toppling of Enver Hoxha’s statue, the country was on the brink of civil war, when Enver’s loyal communists armed themselves to march on Tirana, when most of the army was ready for a coup d’état, R. Alia’s intervention redirected the country onto the civilized path of political confrontation, saved pluralism, and allowed the first free elections to be held on March 31, 1991...” (“24 Orë” No. 17, April 1992). So in this case the socialists and their newspaper “DO NOT DENY” the preparations for a coup, but instead loudly proclaim the “merits” of their former leader, who “civilized” this coup. However, many people are not ... The writer Ismail Kadare, who followed and analyzed events in Albania at the time of the coup from exile in Paris, expresses very interesting views in RD of May 16, 1992, when he says: “From all the information, it appears that some of the main events, some of the hesitations and coincidences of events in Albania and Yugoslavia over the past two years have a common background: the failed Soviet coup. From the summer of 1990, the Soviet putschists began organizing. Their plans included not only the renewal of the Soviet empire but also its expansion. Yugoslavia and Albania were to return to the empire. The putschists had already been in contact with Millosheviç and, apparently, with a Stalinist faction here in Albania. This explains the former’s adventurist boldness and the latter’s hopes. A coup in Albania in February 1991, I think...” ABDI BALETA

If we were to put this question to a politician in today’s government or to a senior official in the Ministry of Agriculture, they would certainly say no. They would even add that for two years our farmers will not pay any kind of tax. The three main right-wing opposition parties, PD, PR, PSD, in their programs and later during the election campaign, guaranteed farmers that for two years they would not only be exempt from every kind of tax but would also receive assistance through low-interest loans, machinery, etc. The farmer is certainly waiting for the first democratic government; he is waiting because he urgently needs help. When one sits down and thinks about the new government, one understands its predicament, but the farmer sees that someone is making this inherited poverty even worse. Who are those encouraging this process, which aims to bring about discontent and disappointment? They are thousands of speculators, socialist communists turned businessmen, pseudo-democrats and, why not, particular cliques, who in one way or another are fighting for power or seeking to take back what they lost. These are the people unscrupulously extracting a tax from the farmer—perhaps as much as, or more than, the government itself could tax him if it were able to do so. This is the system of contraband taxes that is bringing the farmer to his knees today. Don’t be surprised. Here are a few examples. A few days ago, a group of farmers from Jub-Sukth of Durrës came to our newspaper’s editorial office. They were unable to cover the costs of production. Prices for every work process and for other necessities such as seeds, chemical fertilizers, herbicides, etc., fluctuate without any logic—or, more precisely, according only to the mad logic of profit and sale—becoming ... and are used by the farmers themselves. Farmers are buying them (those who can) at double the price, increased at auction. Today, and at no time, does the country need to encourage and support black-market profiteers, that stratum that seeks and makes its profit only in the circulation process; above all, it needs to encourage production by every means, so that consumers and light industry do not have to look toward the sea. There can be no question of such a thing when a farmer pays 100 lekë to plow two dynym of land to a depth of, say, 21–26 cm, and just as much for one irrigation of the same area, etc. But. GANI LEKA (Continued on page 2) Politics Would Have It,” signed by Vjollca Selami and published in “24 orë” No. 25, it is written: “The zero-level strategy became particularly clear after the self-styled elections... At first it was called the ‘strategy of tension,’ and for this the so-called ... were devised; they are no longer free So the Socialists and their newspaper, in this case, “DO NOT DENY” their responsibility for the coup d’état, but, having talked themselves up, claim “credit” for their leader, who “civilized” this coup. But many people do not agree with them. Even as seed, chemical fertilizers, herbicides, etc., the trade conducted without any logic—or, more accurately, with only the mad logic of profit and sales—becomes accursed, and they use it the price raised at auction. Today, the country has no need—and never has had any need—to encourage and support black-market profiteers, that class which seeks and makes its profit only in the cycle of circulation; so that consumers and light industry need not keep their eyes turned toward the sea. There can certainly be no question of such an undertaking just as much for one irrigation over 2)

On May 21, 1992, the first conference of the Tepelenë branch of the Republican Party was held. Members of the branch’s steering committee, delegates from the sections, as well as invited officials and PR supporters took part. In the report delivered by its chairman, Hiqmet Llapi, alongside the branch’s good work, shortcomings that led to the unsatisfactory election result were also highlighted. They were: - The steering committee did not function as it should, in order to be operational and effective in promoting the PR’s main ideas throughout the district. - There was sluggishness and a wait-and-see attitude, mainly among all the sections, and there was no dynamism or activity. - Because communication and telephone links had been interrupted, there was no ongoing contact with the sections about the main issues, particularly during the campaign. - The attempt to form a coalition at any cost was deemed mistaken, because much time was spent on it and the other allies were not as wholehearted; this was also confirmed by the PD’s decision to put forward a candidate in the constituency where the PR chairman, Mr Sabi Gado, was running. - As an external factor, it was noted that the polarization of the electorate again led to a black-and-white vote, and the mistaken idea arose that we should vote for the PD lest democracy be lost, despite the repeated sacrifices made over this issue. It was stated regarding the PR leadership that it should function better in order to maintain more frequent contact with the branches, present every campaign with more lively propaganda, and provide the branches with better support in the form of visual materials and monetary funds. Regarding the branch’s internal situation, it was stated that the branch’s expansion …ritanism is good, but as a result of expectations it did not fully justify its presence in the elections. Around 20 delegates took part in the conference discussions. They focused mainly on the need to renew the governing bodies, placing at the head of this branch a republican committee composed of capable people with a good reputation who enjoy everyone’s respect and affection. It was also pointed out that any party can experience not only growth but also setbacks; therefore, one should not be plunged into serious turmoil. Bearing in mind that local elections will soon be held, we must take the necessary organizational measures and put forward capable, honest people with a good reputation for these bodies. The discussions also stressed that in future our party and branch should do more to present themselves better, and spend less time on other issues, as in the case of the coalition, etc. The failure of the party leadership to send a delegate to the conference was considered a sign of a lack of seriousness and insufficient appreciation of the work to strengthen the Party as a whole. At the second item of the Conference, elections were held for the branch council, the executive committee, the branch leadership, and delegates to the Congress. The elections were democratic and secret. At the conclusion of each election, the election commission officially announced the women and men elected to the respective bodies. The branch council was renewed by about 50 percent. Five new members were elected to the executive committee. Mr. Hiqmet Llapi was elected chairman of the Republican Party branch, and Mr. Eqerem Risbilla secretary. (Continued on page 4)

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF KOSOVO MR IBRAHIM RUGOVA The Albanian Republican Party sends you its most sincere congratulations and best wishes on your appointment to the highest and noblest office, that of the first President of democratic Kosovo. We Albanian republicans fraternally congratulate you once again and express our conviction that you fully deserve this honor. In the political circumstances created by the disintegration of Yugoslavia, the Albanian Republican Party is committed, and will continue to be committed, before national and international public opinion, to realizing the legitimate right of Albanians to self-determination, considering this the fairest solution to the fundamental Albanian problem—that of national unification. We republicans, who have supported this great political struggle to affirm the Republic of Kosovo, are happy that today, after many difficulties, it has culminated in the complete victory of Kosovo’s Albanian democrats. The Republican Party is convinced that, at the end of this century, it would be anachronistic and inhumane for 3 million Albanians living in their own lands in Yugoslavia, the third-largest nation, to be denied the sacred right to self-determination and democracy, and to be illogically considered a minority, when all European peoples enjoy freedom and democracy and are moving toward a united Europe. European democracy, by thus welcoming fully emancipated Albanian democracy into its fold, strengthens its position and secures its future. Albanian republicans wish you, dear Mr President, every success in your work and in making your contribution to defining a domestic and foreign policy in the service of the heroic people of Kosovo. Albanian Republican Party Chairman SABRI GODO

THE RP WILL FIGHT DETERMINEDLY TO ERADICATE CORRUPTION IN ALL SPHERES OF LIFE, PARTICULARLY IN STATE ADMINISTRATIONS.

Mr President! The “Property with Justice” Association was formed in August 1991, spread throughout all the districts of Albania, and was officially announced in Tirana on January 19, 1992, an event covered by Albanian television in that evening’s news and also on January 21, 1992, in the first television program about associations. Immediately after its announcement, at the request of the Albanian Democratic Party, in the interests of democracy’s victory, this association remained active until the end of the March 22, 1992 election campaign. We emphasize that political prisoners and members of this Association constitute a fundamental obligation of the Albanian Democratic Party; they were the ones who voted for the PD on March 31, 1991, and again on March 22, 1992. Taking into account the natural increase in the population, the 19,355 families that were dispersed in 1946 now number 60,000 families. As we have stated, this Association also includes members and lawful heirs of families whose property was forcibly and arbitrarily nationalized by the dictatorship after 1946, including homes burned by the occupiers, as well as their movable property, such as livestock, draft animals, work tools, and the many goods belonging to merchants, which were forcibly nationalized by the organs of the dictatorship of the proletariat. This also includes the many Albanian families whose property the organs of the communist dictatorship forcibly seized