Who should we vote for on Sunday? On the eve of the March 22 elections, the opinion was being spread that the people would not turn out to vote, along with other calls to boycott. By its decision to turn out en masse, the people rejected these efforts. They not only participated in large numbers, but also used their vote to reject precisely those who were calling for a boycott. The people turned out for the March 22 elections because they knew the issue was changing the system, not an electoral routine. Now, once again, efforts are being made to disregard the elections: the idea is being spread that “the old power should not be disturbed,” that we are tired of parties and politicians. But the people will turn out to vote, because the issue now is preserving the new system, which has not yet been fully established. The people will go to the polls, not disappointed in themselves or in their own alternative choice of March 22, despite the difficulties that have still not been overcome, because they know—and it is part of their philosophy—that something (the system we voted for) is harder to preserve than to win. It is hard to believe that the people have become more disillusioned with a system (capitalism) that has not yet been firmly established than they were with socialism, established for 50 years, to the point of wanting its restoration. The people will go to the polls also to create for themselves peace, work, prosperity... The people want peace, comfort, work, well-being. More than the parties, they themselves can ensure these things for themselves through the realities they will create in Albania. This is why we must vote on Sunday. They can drag things out and fail to implement them at all in local government. It is hard to imagine peace arising from such a reality. There is nothing wrong with dividing the two levels of a government between different parties when those parties differ but are not opposites. The situation changes, however, when these parties are completely opposed. The SP is as opposed to the other parties as socialism is to capitalism. Therefore, votes for it (to the extent they are cast) run counter to the will expressed for the system on March 22. Opposition between local government and central government is opposition between a capitalist system at the center and a socialist one at the grassroots. It is hard to see the desired peace and the political conditions for work and well-being returning under such a reality. By using its presence in central government and seeking a presence in local government to the extent that it can secure one, it will use that presence to cause continuous crises between the two and their respective levels, setting them against each other until a situation is created in which one is abolished by the other, through new elections. Therefore, to the extent that votes are given to the SP, the current elections themselves will be “invalid” forever. This will certainly not secure the desired peace or get rid of elections; on the contrary, it will bring crisis and elections every day. [unclear] may have become disillusioned with a system (capitalism) that is still unsettled in many respects more than he has become disillusioned with socialism, established for 50 years, to the extent of calling for peace, comfort, work, and well-being. More than the parties, they themselves have it in their hands to secure these things for themselves through the realities they create in Albania. To the extent that the PS receives votes, opposition will arise between central and local government. The PS wants this so that the places it can keep dragging out for a long time but cannot block in the People’s Assembly can be used to create constant crises between these two to the PS, to that extent today’s elections, in general, will themselves be “invalid.” This certainly will not secure the desired peace, nor get rid of elections; on the contrary, it will mean crisis and daily elections. The creation of such a contradictory reality will preserve a continuing situation of instability, a lack of social peace, work, and well-being, and even [unclear]—(Continued on page 4)

- Meeting between the chairman of the ARP, Mr Sabri Godo, and the European Community delegation led by the Commission’s Vice-President, Mr Andriesen - Yesterday morning, 22 July, the chairman Sabri Godo was received by the vice-chairman of the Republican Party, Mr [text unclear], the President of the Commission of the European Community, Mr Andriesen, and other members of the delegation. In an open discussion about the political situation in Albania, Mr Godo explained that the situation could not yet be considered fully stable. The way out of the crisis could be achieved only through rapid privatization, whereas privatization was not progressing at the proper pace. We still do not have a clear philosophical concept of ownership, and confusion is often created in the publication of the laws that have been promulgated. Mr Go- [text unclear] accelerated. Mr Gojani said that he hoped the meeting of the 24 would resolve some of the country’s immediate problems, both for now and in the future. Mr Andreasen and the other members of his delegation said that the meeting had been useful and of great interest. Correspondent of “Republika”

The people demand peace Under Law 7566, dated 25. 5, 1992, Article 14, fourth paragraph, which states: “-The Law and Order forces are permitted to conduct searches for possession of firearms without a permit,...”, searches were carried out on several people about whom there was information that they possessed firearms without permits. As a result of these searches, the following people were detained: 1. Hysni Jashar Milloshi (former chairman of the Communist Party) 2. Sokol Spiro Koleka (one of the most prominent investigators under the dictatorship); 3. Florian Teki Koloneci (former SHIK officer) 4. Sofo Pilo Duka (former SHIK officer) 5. Dylber Qemal Dhramo (former officer; a TT-type revolver was found). So, as can be seen, all are former military personnel who did not want to relinquish their weapons. During the discussion of the firearms law, Parliament debated at length because one of the paragraphs conflicted with the procedure for searching a residence. There were voices in Parliament calling for the penalty for illegal possession of firearms to be 10–15 years. In the end, the minimum sentence was set at 5 years; but, bearing in mind the social dangerousness of the crime, Parliament decided to allow the Law and Order forces to conduct searches for firearms on a person, at home, in a place of business, and anywhere else. Parliament makes the laws, and the Law and Order forces will enforce them, even when gun owners and the ZP do not like it. REPUBLIKA

— Constructive Herd–Berisha dialogue — British Foreign Minister Douglas Herd met in Tirana with Albanian President Sali Berisha and Prime Minister Aleksandër Meksi. The talks focused on the economic crisis in Albania, the wave of vandalism, the refugees heading for Italy and Greece, and European Community assistance in overcoming the difficult supply situation in Albania. The issue of Kosovo occupied an important place in the discussions. Albanian President Sali Berisha and British Foreign Minister Herd spoke in favor of dialogue and international observers in Kosovo. After a conversation with Herd in Krujë, Berisha declared that sending observers was essential. Herd said that the EC’s representative, Lord Carrington, would meet Serbian President S. Millosheviç in Belgrade in the coming days to discuss the Kosovo problem. Herd also called on the leaders of Albania and Serbia not to allow the crisis in Kosovo to become another hotbed of war in the former Yugoslavia. In Berisha’s presence, the British foreign minister stressed that Serbian President Millosheviç should bear firmly in mind that a catastrophe in Kosovo would also lead to a catastrophe for the Serbs themselves. Douglas Herd went on to say that, in his view, the best solution for Kosovo would be full autonomy. Serbia has abolished Kosovo’s autonomy and placed it under its direct administration. Speaking about the proposed dispatch of CSCE observers to Kosovo, which had also been proposed at the European Community meeting in Lisbon, Herd said this could be done in a way acceptable both to the Albanians of Kosovo and to the Serbs. (According to ATSH)

At long last, yet another name has been added to the long list of Albanian newspapers. It is a communist newspaper called «Mesdita». It appeared precisely in these days, when the Communist Party newspaper was shut down. In other words, it was born, so to speak, to defy the force of the law, which can shut down a party along with its newspaper, but cannot stop a communist from putting out a newspaper... Its publisher is Koço Danaj, former secretary of the PPSH for the Sarandë district, former State Security officer, and former class-war terrorist. So Koço, alias Qemal Brezftohti, alias Oso Kurveleshi, who wrote separate pieces on democracy in ZP, has now reappeared on the scene as a publisher. «What is there left for the communist Koço Danaj to write? What is there left for him to say?» We have got used to seeing the titles of small communist newspapers embellished with the word “hour” («24-orë», «Orën»). He has brought back the old way; they have all kept their letters and publishers. While the persecutor Koço Danaj is trying to disguise himself with [illegible] and forgets that his day is over, never to return. «Republika» correspondent

On July 26, we must awaken our memory Besnik J. has returned to Albania these days. To his homeland. Having left a little over a year ago, forced into exile in Italy, he now finds Albania in a different state, with a different atmosphere. Like thousands of others who left, Besnik too had left a DIFFERENT Albania behind. The people, the situations, the contradictions, and democracy too. He returned, and what struck him most was something that only those people could notice. Only someone who had left in those days. Let us try to reproduce in a few words his “reaction”: “You don’t see things as you used to now. It’s as if you’ve forgotten some things. But how can those times be forgotten! How can they be forgotten—the communists, their words, their deeds, their violence? Perhaps we were confused, standing beside them; they say they have become democrats?! And you believe them, agree to listen to them to the end? But what will come of this, what will you gain from this forgetting? It seems to me you’ve gone soft, let go of some things—things we held especially dear in those early days of the democratic movement... But what remains of a person if he forgets those things?” That was more or less what the exile Besnik J. said. We, a group of his friends, companions from the time of the dictatorship, listened to him. At first, smiling. Making excuses for him because of the time he had been away. Since then, many things had happened, many waters had flowed; many words, insults, resentment and anger had been poured out, and people had by now settled into the broad bed of democracy. A great deal of water could “flow” there. There is room for everyone. People, you understand, are the same, but naturally they are not exactly the same. A number of people, starting with members of the Political Bureau, have now become museum exhibits. They have moved from the presidiums to the defendants’ benches. Hundreds of others have shed the hierarchical haze of those in power, have climbed down from their cars, and increasingly, they or their own people, are seen queuing for sports products; we see them transformed from [unclear] into ordinary people. Where have their grandeur, their bustle, their power gone?! Those who once made the law lawless now complain about human rights! At last they remembered that they are human! At last they feel sorry for people—and therefore for themselves! Always for themselves! We see these things too, here inside, as we drift lightly along with the events of the day, get caught up in them and unintentionally FORGET things we must not forget. The arrivals of those who LEFT because of violence, poverty, and dictatorship remind us. And you believe you have become socialists?! And you accept the Right?! And you forget?! But how, how?! Can you forget them? Do you have the right to forget those things, which even they themselves have not forgotten? They pretend to forget because there is no other way, and not only that! But I have seen with my own eyes [unclear] things I saw from back then, when we left, and all of them had passed from the memory of pain. They say you killed [unclear], leave us [unclear] in the city of the murdered. They drove them out of their homeland; there is someone who has been killed, killed in spirit. Their true faces remain before our eyes. The violence and the embassies, the voices of the rally on July 13, when they bade us farewell, us, [unclear] of the nation! No, we cannot forget some things. We do not have the right to forget them. In whose name are we taking on these responsibilities?

Along with numerous petitions, a statement from a group calling itself “Republican Intellectuals” arrived at the newspaper “REPUBLIKA” in recent days. Written in beautiful calligraphy, it listed just 10 names, one after another. Fifty of the statement’s 62 lines are devoted to a biography of the chairman of the ARP. That is their business. We wrote these lines to respond to the label: “The newspaper ‘Republika’ has been usurped and serves to condemn his opponents with street-brawler language and outside all political ethics, a ‘fact’ which, after this statement, we await with composure.” We would like to clarify to the intellectuals that the newspaper has not been usurped by anyone and has not exposed anyone. Those who feel they have been exposed by the pages of “Republika” are, as in any other case, entitled to a reply from the editorial office. Finally, the newspaper “Republika” could also publish your statement, but it considers it more useful to put the lines of your statement at the disposal of an advertisement for zucchini and cucumbers. THE EDITORIAL OFFICE

The next issue of the newspaper will be published on Saturday, 25.07.1992.