— Report delivered by Mr. SABRI GODO at the meeting of the National Council Today the country faces three key problems: the national question, the consolidation of democracy and economic reform. As a party committed to the very end, we must analyze these problems and openly express our republican position as a nation. It is likely that, in this rush of humanity, our nation will be trampled underfoot, as has often happened for very long periods over the past two thousand years. The dangers facing us now are no smaller. Everyone says that the war will descend upon Kosovo and spread from there to other countries. Only the date remains. It appears that the European Community and the United Nations do not want to take responsibility for the consequences of a military intervention in the former Yugoslavia. Otherwise, there is no way to understand the freedom Millosheviç has to act like a bandit who tramples peoples one after another. War is raging with artillery, with tens of thousands killed, with women and children massacred. The whole continent shuddered over a racist murder in Germany, and rightly so. Yet, at the same time, we are witnessing the massacre of an entire people in the south of the continent, while the massacre of another people of three million is being prepared. It is clear that the conflicting interests of the great powers prevent a decision on collective military intervention. The naval and air blockade and other restrictive measures do not stop Serbia, which has the means to begin ethnic cleansing in Kosovo. This means war. Inevitably, the question arises: what will Albania do? It would be good if the Albanian parliament answered this, where every day people cry out, “the nation is in danger,” but do not say what the true dimensions of the danger are or how it can be faced. Parliament has limited itself to the occasional protest when something happens in Kosovo. President Berisha has told foreigners wisely and courageously that Albania will give its answer at the appropriate time [?]. But we too—the entire people—must know what answer will be given, since we will have to face it. Some say that we cannot close the border with Kosovo even if we wanted to. Others declare that we will close it. These impressions should not prevail: we have neither a clear overall strategy nor sufficient preparation. An intensive diplomatic offensive should have been launched some time ago toward the European Parliament and other European institutions, toward European states friendly to Albania, and toward the USA. Albania has still submitted no request or resolution to the Security Council. This offensive should have begun with the Albanian parliament, the government and the president, and consultations should have been held with Kosovo and the diaspora. The efforts made so far are not enough. If we continue like this, the world will leave us to choose for ourselves on an issue that seems to lie beyond our power. Something bad, which cannot be passed over in silence, has also happened in the South. There is an effort to nationalize the population of the South, taking advantage of its miserable economic situation. Hundreds of thousands of “passports” issued to Albanians are circulating, granting free entry to Greece, with the name, nationality and religion changed. The union of the South with Vorio-Epir is being demanded through writing on walls, inciting hostility, free Greek-language courses, shops selling only with receipts, and even the open raising of flags. There is a clear plan for the South, whereas we have no clear counterplan for the South; we have no opposing plan of response. We are occupied with the situation in the North, and rightly so, but we cannot close our eyes to the disease advancing in the South. Nor can we evade responsibility for our 200,000 emigrants in Greece. We have presented our assessments and proposals on the Southern question, orally and in writing. We believe that, looking realistically at the external situation, neither uncertainty nor inaction is permissible. In such circumstances, time is decisive. It is time to tell foreigners that Albania is in real danger and to substantiate this with facts. And we must say with equal conviction that we will not leave it to foreigners alone to act, and that the danger will spread further. We must do this together and with the necessary strength. I had the honor of suggesting to Mr. Rugova that we should come forward with the direct demand for a neutral Kosovo under the supervision of United Nations troops. President Rugova and Prime Minister Bukoshi considered this a proper solution. I proposed a conference between the four parties in Albania (PD, PS, PSD and others). Mr. Rugova welcomed this. I believe this conference, to which representatives of the diaspora could also be invited, would work out a sound common public position, which is much needed in relation to foreign opinion as well. Meanwhile, a meeting should be called between the President, the government and the leaders of the four parties, to clarify the national question in depth. The point is to hold a meeting at which a platform is presented, not an impromptu conversation. The four parties representing the opinion of the overwhelming majority of

In response to the Cassandra-like voices and dark visions that former Soviet communists want to stir up about the future of the former red empire once called the USSR, a Russian satirist said: “The future is unpredictable, but above all, the past is unpredictable.” This is certainly not a play on words, but a very real message. Whether through the superficial “investigations” made into the communist regime, some of the most tragic and incredible stories have come to light, thus confirming the theorem that under communism even an angel is a devil. Many may find it... (Continued on page 3)

Abuses by the PPSH continue to be exposed After Bedri Zhupa withdrew, his friend and former director in Tepelenë, Gramoz Ruçi, and his longtime partner Mehmet Guga have now eliminated from the race to buy at auction the man who governed Tepelenë during “stability” and who stabilized his own finances most successfully, former committee chairman Ahmet Çaçi. In the “election campaign” now underway in Tepelenë, on the eve of the auction of the tourism hotel, all the polls point to Gramoz Ruçi and his former finance colleague, when they jointly ran the Progonat cooperative, Mehmet Guga, as the two strongest rivals to buy this hotel. The surprises remain to be seen on auction day: the bids will be called, and it is certain that Gramoz Ruçi’s partner will be ready to sign after every price increase. There are rumors that Gramoz Ruçi will take part in the auction himself, while others say he will stay in a corner of the tourism café, together with a bearded friend of his who appears drunk on the streets of Tirana and in the halls of the “Dajti” hotel alongside Gramoz Ruçi. Regardless of the technical details, the auction will take place, and the polls show Gramoz Ruçi as the winner, like all his party colleagues in this case. It is certain that payment will be made with the new 500-lek banknote, which has no connection whatsoever to money that may have been earned dishonestly during the time of the Party of Labor. “Republika” correspondent

From the last meeting of the National Council until today, several important changes have taken place in the international arena and in the life of the country. In the USA, after 12 years of Republican rule, the Democrats came to power. The American people wanted change. The social problems that manifested themselves there, including in outbreaks, could be resolved only by changing the administration. That was the conviction of the American people, and so it was done: the new, energetic President Clinton, with new ideas, was elected. This was another demonstration of the ability and vitality of the great American democracy to overcome difficulties and open new horizons. For 200 years, this is how things have always happened, and that is why America has managed to become the most powerful country in the world. This example applies to all peoples. Only free, independent democracy can ensure progress. This example is especially relevant to the young democracies of the East, newly emerged from harsh communist rule. Europe is striving for economic and political union, taking a major step with Maastricht. But this effort, begun by distinguished personalities immediately after World War II, will be a long one. A distinct process is taking place in China, under Deng Xiaoping’s slogan: “To get rich is glorious.” It seems that the communist economic system is being dismantled there to make way for the free market, while the same political regime, which denies democracy, is being retained. Since these two things cannot be reconciled, it remains to be seen what will happen next in that country, where a third of humanity lives. The collapse of communism in Eastern Europe also brought with it the outbreak of national and ethnic conflicts, especially in the former USSR and in the Balkans. This was to be expected as a consequence of the brutal oppression communism exercised over nationalities. But while these conflicts are being seen in other Eastern countries, in the countries of the former Yugoslavia the conflict is taking on tragic proportions. Europe has not seen anything like it since World War II: bloodshed and turmoil are erupting. The Muslim part of the Bosnian population is being exterminated. This has nothing to do with religious divisions, since they became Muslims, while the others are Orthodox and Catholics. The Serbs seek to restore the borders of the former kingdom created by the European powers after World War I. This former kingdom and former Yugoslavia cannot be kept standing. The Serbian adventure is hopeless; such an aim is foolish and extremely dangerous, but precisely because it is so, it is all the more urgent to see that, in the end, the world has undergone great changes, dictated by the urgent problems that concern humanity, which, as Helvetius says, runs ceaselessly toward progress like an armed cavalry, and in the future even death itself will be seen only in narrow terms. But this realistic philosophical vision does not console us very much when we consider our own situation, which will not lead to with the Albanian parliament, the government and the president, with consultations representing the opinion of the overwhelming majority of

(REPORTAGE) The eighty years of independence of the Albanian state were eighty years of its independence without an all-Albanian state. They made up the tragic life of a nation divided in half at its birth, the [?], the dream of a united nation. Now this nation, caught between new births and old deaths, is trying to repair the balances thrown off by others. Now, as its history is being written in the final hours of a century of injustices, there must be no further delay for it… “Ibrahim Rugova was late, to imitate history”! With a scarf around his neck, he sat down and appeared in front of the Independence House in Vlora, a little later than the others. This was what President Berisha wanted to tell the journalists waiting in the courtyard. No one could reproach the president of Kosovo for a technical delay. Before us was a narrow passage, two storeys high, which had accelerated history by thousands of years. Faced with this fact, all the “other delays” are weightless. In the first room, the [?] is cramped by the interventions of A. Demrat, who persistently demands a photograph of Isa Boletini. The one who was absent on Flag Day is, by chance, also absent from the first room. The explanation... (Continued on page 3)

Why our Socialists cheered on Independence Day The greeting by Fatos Nano, chairman of the Socialist Party, was received enthusiastically by those present and was often interrupted by applause. The veterans, the Eurosocialists, well-known writers such as Dritëro Agolli and Qamil Buxheli, People’s Artist Violeta Manushi, Merited Artist Birçe Hasko, and many, many others also offered their greetings. For minutes on end, the hall resounded with powerful ovations: “Socialist Party,” “Socialist Party,” “Fatos Nano,” “Fatos Nano.” P.S. (This refers to the rally dedicated to national independence and the patriot Ismail Qemali). Previously in the squares [?], from the Socialist Party newspaper for Tirana, “24 Orë,” No. 56.)

QUESTIONS REQUIRING A WRITTEN ANSWER FROM SENATOR GIORGIO DE GIUSEPPE, ADDRESSED TO THE CHAIRMAN OF THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS AND THE MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF ITALY Regarding the allegations made in the Italian and Albanian newspapers about the serious irregularities established in the implementation of the aid plan promised by our country in favor of the Albanian people, the undersigned asks: 1. Whether it is true that the price paid to purchase food products was markedly higher, for some types even three times higher, than the international market price. Some invoices show, for example, that rice was paid for at 724 dollars per ton, when the market price was 320 dollars; canned meat was paid for at 7,200 dollars, compared with a market price of 1,800 dollars; 2. Whether it is established that the extraordinary aid to support the Albanian school system, amounting to 5 billion lire, for the supply of notebooks and other materials, reached the genuine recipients to even the minimum extent; 3. What role was played by the troublemaker Hajdin Sejdia, the guardian of the Hoxha family’s interests, who managed to have the aid guaranteed by Levant Co of Bari and distributed by the Hildong agency, companies in which relatives of the Albanian president Ramiz Alia would have had an interest. The undersigned wishes to know whether measures were taken to stop the despicable speculation over the hunger of a friendly people. The undersigned wishes finally to know how many billions, out of the 10 planned, have so far been used to purchase material goods for the Albanians. Rome, December 18, 1991