The PR on its second anniversary Dr. Çerçiz Mingomataj GENERAL SECRETARY OF PRSH Dr. Çerçiz Mingomataj GENERAL SECRETARY OF PRSH Today the PR marks two years since its creation. Today, when Albania has won the freedom dreamed of for decades, democracy and its democratic government. Today, when it is very easy to criticize endlessly the situation we are in (and, if we wish, we can even call this situation disastrous), it is important under these conditions to be far-sighted, prepared and prudent about how to confront the situation, how to overcome the difficulties with as little pain as possible, how to understand the moment as accurately as possible, and how to make the future more transparent. History taught the Albanian to be measured and perceptive. It taught him how to survive. From this people, and continuing its way of thinking, came the anti-communist parties, among them the PR, a modern democratic alternative based on the ideals of our distinguished Enlightenment thinkers S. Frashëri, Noli, etc. PRSH was created in the hot January of 1991 as a second democratic alternative, with deeply anti-communist features. The PR spread throughout the country and, through its program and concrete activity, did everything possible to overthrow the old regime and build a democratic society. This party, now unified and structured, has been characterized by prudence in its analysis and in the development of historical events during these two years of its existence; it has proposed paths and optimal solutions when the country faced acute problems that emerged during the harsh period of transition. The PR has known how to remain faithful to its alliance with the democratic-wing forces, PD and PSD. It is known that the people twice judged the political situation in the country, and twice the PR received only a minimum percentage of representation in government and parliament. But the PR has never considered this result a true assessment or a deserved representation. The frequent shifts in the electorate over the last three elections best demonstrate this. It knew this well and foresaw it; indeed, it contributed without hesitation to the people rallying around the main anti-communist force, PD, in order to realize the greatest desire: the overthrow of communism in Albania. The PR never tried, under any circumstances, to sacrifice major national interests for the sake of party interests. Therefore every Republican is proud of this spectacular success of Albania. The PR does indeed participate today in the democratic government with one minister and one member of parliament, but its presence in the country’s political life is always noticeable and constructive. (Continued on page 2)

While waiting for the doors to open to the courtroom where the trial of Nexhmije Hoxha was to take place, an unfamiliar woman came up to me and, in a voice that conveyed more than a plea, held out a copy of the Bible and said: “Please, take it! Help me! Take it to Nexhmije: You’re a journalist and they won’t stop you. Put it in her hands! Not only God but we want it too... Please, please...” That voice was so insistent and imploring that, without even realizing it myself, I took the book, making her the absurd promise that I would give it to her. She went away satisfied, while I was left bewildered, Bible in hand. Afterwards, for more than an hour, together with dozens of other local and foreign colleagues, we tried to get into the courtroom, following all the rules, but in vain. The trial was indeed open to the public, but, strangely, journalists were not admitted (with the exception of the ever-present colleagues from “Zëri i Popullit”). While we waited to enter the courtroom, I began leafing through the Bible. On the first page these words were handwritten: “Jesus loves you and can help you. With love from Kevin Steve.” An address in England followed. I do not think there is anything surprising about the fact that in England there are Never in my life had I had the chance to see her up close. Even so, I had always believed that she had never loved people, not even for a single moment. That is why I went to see her in the courtroom. Fallen people are easy to read: A wretched old woman with glassy eyes, looking at people sometimes cynically and sometimes the way the dead look before their eyes are closed...

Photograph of a man in uniform and a woman.

On January 6 someone asked me on the phone: “Did you read ‘Zëri’ today? Read it, read it!” I unfolded the newspaper and my eyes immediately went to Neshat Tozaj’s article: “Justice is not revenge.” At first I felt a certain doubt: “Neshati in ZP?” But I pulled myself together. You find Neshati everywhere. Where hasn’t he written, and what hasn’t he written about? Whom hasn’t he criticized, and whom hasn’t he advised? And now it was my turn, since, according to him, I should go to the library and read Hans Fallada’s book. He wants me to learn from this book how to fight dictatorship. This is only a piece of advice, and there is no reason why lawyers should not accept it too. But such things must be done at the right time and in the right place. This advice would have had much greater effect, for example, if Mr. Neshat had given it when he was in the State Security. But, as far as I am concerned, even then it was not the right time, because I followed Hans Fallada without having read him, as early as 1956, among the few who stood against the dictatorship, when I was expelled from the Party of Labour as its enemy, when Neshat’s comrades kept their eyes on me even at the bakery. And when I did this, what lay ahead was not “Gin and Glory,” but the most inhuman torture. It was precisely my stance toward dictatorship, my boundless loyalty to the principles of democracy, and my unwavering determination for what is right and just that led the families of the martyrs of democracy to insist that I be their lawyer in the Shkodër trial. To resign from the highest post, (Continued on page 3)

Dear Editor-in-Chief! Having read in your newspaper, which is always consistent and factual, I ask you to publish the attached note in response to the article published on December 24, 1992, concerning the study scholarships awarded by the Italian Government for 1992–1993. I reiterate that precision on this matter is essential to respect “the unadulterated truth” and to fulfill the duty of informing public opinion. With warmest regards

With the beginning of democratic processes in Albania, the national question was revived. Consciously or unconsciously, everyone understood that the death of communism would lead to a swift and fortunate resolution of the national question. The propaganda of the masses, such as the PPS. In the national arena too, nationalism, although it has achieved notable successes, is continually coming up against communism. National action made gains in two fields, the cultural sphere and foreign policy, but up to ’44, when the translation of the sacred writings into Albanian began, and especially in the nineteenth century, when Albanian nationalism, made up of intellectuals from all regions and all religions, was theoretically organized and extended to every sphere. One of the nationalist intellectuals, as well as the imprisonment of their works, brought this contribution to zero. It is true that in the 1960s, with the break with the USSR, Albanian intellectuals, within the framework of the Marxist axis, remembered that it existed, alongside pro... ...electoral [victory] of the anti-communist parties led, as with other issues, to the spread of illusions and excessive hopes that created the impression that, if it came true, we would not only live in abundance, but the national question would also be definitively resolved. But 1992 showed that the vote removed communism from political power alone; it could not remove communism from our minds. Just as in other fields, the democratic government and democratic political forces are confronting a highly organized, disciplined force experienced in manipulation, the national action of right-wing and democratic forces has suffered setbacks it should not have suffered. This has happened for many reasons. First, to have a unified national action, whether on the cultural or political plane, one must have unified national thought. The Serbo-communist massacres of 1944–48 and later against nationalist intellectuals brought not only their physical elimination but, above all, the elimination of their scholarly work and the creation of a frenzied communist ethnography. Unified national thought had existed since the 16th century, and the culmination of this nationalism was the movement of the League of Prizren. This nationalism was not xenophobic; on the contrary, the work of all the eminent Albanian intellectuals aimed to Europeanize Albanian culture and Albanian politics. Their work astonishes with its openness to the achievements of world cultures. In the so-called period of independence, national theoretical thought reached its scientific peak, extending into every field: the study of customs and traditions, ethnography, linguistics, folklore, literature, music, etc., etc. The imprisonment of intellectuals and the national (nationalist) movement... and a partial return to the “old” ideas of the National Renaissance. But this nationalism was somewhat removed from genuine Renaissance nationalism. Socialist patriotism was a xenophobia, an ethnocentrism that sought to justify our quarrels with the world and our isolation by repeating such Enverist ideas as “we eat gunpowder dry,” “not the rifle’s muzzle” and “the cannon’s muzzle,” “we have cut our way through history with the sword of honor,” etc. Our inferiority complex (pride) and ... (Continued on page 3)

On Friday morning, January 8, the madwoman N. from the capital did not appear before the Academy of Sciences to continue collecting signatures and opinions for the selection of the 10 best Albanian intellectuals for 1992. As expected, at 6:00 in the morning she arrived in front of the Tirana Court and put up notices on the door through which Nexhmije Hoxha and Kino Buxheli would enter the courtroom. Until 8:00 she stood motionless without saying a word, but when she saw the crowd gathering, she began shouting: “Don’t go inside! There’s a meeting in the courtroom. I will conduct the trial. I am the judge. Don’t go in, Comrade Nexhmije! I alone can put you on trial. Nexhmije of the Commander, Nexhmije puta...” The madwoman continued ranting for a long time, and the crowd kept growing. Around 10 o’clock her ecstasy reached its peak: “Get out! You’re wasting your time; I declare the trial annulled!” Now I’ll start it myself. The judges and prosecutor are communists. I have brought the real judges and prosecutor; I have brought Josif Pashko as prosecutor—only he knows how to read indictments. I am the judge; my assistants are Aranit Çela and Koçi Xoxe. I have brought Ramiz Alia as Nexhmije’s lawyer. He is the greatest lawyer in Eastern Europe. For Kino Buxheli I have brought Kiço Ngjela’s son. The session... I declare it open; that one up there, closed. Who are these unpaid prisoners? Aranit, shear Nexhmije! Give her a crew cut. You, Koçi, shear Kingo Buxheli! And you, Comrade Ramiz, why have you come with a crew cut?! You’re a lawyer; a lawyer should have hair. Take Nexhmije’s wool! Wool doesn’t count as appropriation or economic abuse. Continue... Josif Pashko, read the closing statement! You’re Josif; only you know how to read closing statements...” The madwoman continued speaking until she was hoarse. At 15:00 she wished everyone the end of the session. THE CHRONICLER

The cultural protocol between the Italian Government and the Albanian Government stipulates that all matters concerning the awarding of study scholarships are to be handled through diplomatic channels. Since an Italian law provides for the creation of an ad hoc committee appointed by the ambassador, our Cultural Government, on January 18, 1992, sent the official note no. 6/9 to Rudolf Marku, Director for Cultural, Technical and Scientific Cooperation at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, seeking the Albanian side’s approval. On January 23, 1992, the Albanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in a note from Director Marku concerning the appointment and establishment of the joint committee, proposed (Continued on page 4)

The signing of the petition for property continues. In recent days the number of signatures has reached 100,000. THE COMMISSION