- Hundreds of Albanians are brutally expelled from Greece - - Hundreds of Albanians brutally expelled from Greece - Just a few days after “Athens’ diplomatic ultimatums,” the Greek administration launched a new operation to expel economic refugees employed in Greece. Following the statement by Public Order Minister Gelestathis that “Albanian refugees are responsible for the increase in the number of crimes in Greece,” the police launched continuous operations to expel Albanians. One of the Greek daily newspapers prominently wrote on its front page: “Let’s drive out the beasts” (?!!) This is the obvious backdrop to the preparation and carrying out of this new operation that the Greek administration launched in recent days against Albanians. This is the obvious backdrop. But can one [fragment as printed: “jarisë e i suportimit të ndërsjellë që dy popujt i kanë dhënë njëri-tjetrit në histori.”] Albanians in their southeastern region offered their poor but sincere bread to the Greeks who crossed the border and came to Albania. This is not a very distant time. People from Albania have gone to Greece to work. It is not impossible that among those hundreds and hundreds of people there may also be some who committed acts of violence. However, the Public Order Minister’s statement number of crimes” is not only inaccurate, but also irresponsible for a cabinet member. Only this gentleman, the Greek Minister of Public Order, declared on TV that he would expel “Albanian criminals” or “beasts” (?!!), as the Greek press calls them; the “Reuters” agency reported that “80 refugees from minorities are being arrested in northern Greece.” (— Gjo shqiptarë). It is not at all humane for the Greek administration to act brutally toward Albanian refugees. It is all the less honorable and beneficial to bilateral relations for this new operation against Albanians to be a manifestation and combination of political schemes in the region. Through their work, Albanian refugees have helped not only themselves but also Greece. Finally, we wish to remind the Greek Public Order Minister and ... ...deported the Albanians. One of the Greek daily newspapers prominently writes on its front page: “Let’s deport the beasts” (?!). This is the visible background to the preparation and implementation of this new operation that the Greek administration undertook in recent days against the Albanians. This is the visible background. But could there be another background behind this, given the statement by the leaders of the former Yugoslavia about “support for the Serbian cause from Greek diplomacy”? Albanians have been employed in Greece out of urgent necessity. And the Albanians are grateful to the Greek people for the help they are giving under the conditions in which Albania finds itself. It cannot be ruled out that among those hundreds and hundreds there may also be some who have committed acts of violence. However, the statement by the Minister of Public Order for a member of the cabinet. This same minister states that there are more than 350,000 refugees in Greece, 130,000 of whom are Albanians. The more than two hundred thousand other refugees from Iraq, Iran, Poland, Russia, Pakistan, and Romania have apparently committed no crimes and have apparently had no effect on the rise in crime in Greece—and these more than 200,000 others (note well) are not from Switzerland, France, or Germany. During the Greek Prime Minister’s visit to Albania last year, [he said] that he would legalize all Albanian migrants in Greece. We believe Prime Minister Micotaqis has not forgotten his promise, and we hope he does not know what his Minister of Public Order is doing against the Albanians.

It has been almost a year that, after every visit to Greece by an Albanian public figure, the Greek police begin an effort to send Albanian refugees back. It should be recalled here that this is what happened with Fatos Nanon, Azem Hajdarin, Safet Zhujalin, Alfred Serreqin and, most recently, Pjetër Arbnorin. Albanians are returning. At the Kakavija border crossing, in Gjirokastër, about 1,500 of them crossed the border into Albanian territory on Friday alone. Others are expected to come. Greek television, “Omega,” has warned that after what the Albanian parliamentary leader demanded regarding the denied rights of the Cham people, it is only normal for anything to happen to Albanian refugees in Greece. And they are returning. According to unofficial sources, it is said that they will all be sent back. Meanwhile, in Albania they face unemployment. The Greek army has reinforced the border, and attempts in recent days to cross it have resulted in the deaths of Albanians, as in the case of a young man from Shkodër who died in the hospital in Janina. Anyone can discern a clear policy of diktat in all these coincidences that occur after visits by the leaders of Albanian parties or Albanian parliamentarians—a policy that seeks to stir up within the country a feeling of servility toward the Greek state and government. According to them, no Albanian leader going to Greece should speak in favor of Albanians and Albania. He should only listen to what his Greek colleagues tell him and approve it all unconditionally. This entire policy of dictating terms to Albanian political figures is pursued by exploiting Albanian poverty, by exploiting the suffering, hardship and even the deaths of our brothers who have been trapped illegally in Greece. So why do they invite Albanian political figures to Greece? If they invite them to sign unwritten documents on behalf of one side, if they invite them to dictate what they should do and how they should lead Albania, while pressuring them through Albanians employed there, then, at the very least, it would be better not to invite them. If they invite them to cooperate and strengthen the friendship between the two countries, then, at the very least, the Greek government should stop these “coincidences” in which Albanian refugees are sent back after every visit by an Albanian political figure.

- It is better to keep quiet, because the Party in the district knows about these things - In Librazhd, the Committee elections also brought many new appointments. “With the good intention of strengthening leadership with capable and strong cadres.” The most striking of these appointments was that of Halli Janku, who was appointed trade director. Based on the title of the article, you may quite naturally ask: “What did this Hall Janku do that means he shouldn’t be made the district trade director?” On this, no one can tell you better than the head of the Public Order Department of Librazhd: “He was deputy director and head of finance, deputy director and head of ...” (Continued on page 4)

- ...(Former communists find it hard to manage without party cards). - (incorrigible fools) - (and: we who wrote letters and applauded the dictatorship) It is unlikely that anyone believed that, on the day of the grotesque toppling, with the monument to “Comrade Enver” being slowly hauled around, they had completely escaped so-called communism. All the more so when it is a specifically Albanian kind of communism. We can even less think that, with the creation of parties opposed to the PPSH and its identity card being changed to PPSH, there is no longer communism in Albania. One of the most enthusiastic former communists, who also became one of the most enthusiastic opposition figures, a former MP and now an ambassador of the current state, was brazenly lying in Parliament that communism had not died in Albania; those listening did not believe him, and apparently he was talking precisely about himself!!! There is no longer any need to feel shy (let alone afraid) of the communists, the PPSH cardholders! They can hardly threaten the fate of Western democracy anymore! Let us not deceive ourselves. Let us beware of the communist mentality—yes, that is what we must beware of. It knows where to hide. Everywhere! Let us remember for a moment: Enver Hoxha was constantly receiving letters from the people, and he began his working day with them! The people (that is, We, Continued on page 4)

At the end of the 18th century, the formal structure of the time—that is, the MONARCHY in Europe—had not changed: the ancient social and political order inherited from the MIDDLE AGES still existed. The structure of society and of the STATE, too. The CLASS distinction remained; the serf was surrounded by walls of FEUDAL privileges and by the fragmentation of the administration. No uniform (identical) law governed the community of the STATE’s territories. The demand for unification by absolutism was addressed by the CENTRAL POWER through the use of force, not by removing the old political and social structure. The dominance of the privileged REGIME prevented the completion of its historic task: the formation of a strong, centralized state. High politics in Europe and the parasitism of the COURTS fed the revenues of the most important dynasties, leading to an increasingly frightening economic DEFICIT. There was no state in Europe, large or small, that was not in a desperate situation. The remedial measures of GOVERNMENTS had greatly increased fiscal pressure and the growth of state debt. To get past this deadlock, no suggestion for change was any longer enough; the whole system had to be CHANGED. “To build a good factory, one must take risks alone,” says a Habsburg minister. A demand whose underlying idea is gaining broader social awareness. At the foundation of the political and social order is the HUMAN BEING as an individual: it is he who gives life to the STATE. He reflects power. For the parent, the PEOPLE no longer exist, but rather a principle for the PEOPLE. Prince FRIDERIKO I begins ... [unclear text in the original] ... remembered in history for his justice, since he tried to reform JUSTICE, saying in the book “HISTORIE DE MONTEMPEES”: “I hope that the next generation will follow me, honor me, and know how to distinguish in me the KING from the philosopher, the just man from the POLITICIAN. I am sure this lesson has served us little, because today there are ignorant and burdensome politicians with perpetual problems. Beyond the KING and the new ideas, the dimensions of political, economic and social life must be transcended and cannot be adapted to needs; should we destroy them and raise them to the level of the formal structures of the time—that is, should we REFORM society? It is the idea of a new justice, of a program of RENEWAL, which will certainly encounter a limit in a political and social reality that cannot be changed immediately. But it is necessary to eliminate the legacy of the SECOND ... [unclear in the original], just as of the MIDDLE AGES: to take the country out of the FEUDAL STAGE, which belongs to the past and is understood as the bad history of disorder and ancient, confused ... [unclear in the original]. The work of the REGIME as an expression of the ARISTOCRATIC ELITE, still tied to the past, is over; those things have now been surpassed. The way has been opened to new social strata, which will be the protagonists of the new society, capable of giving the country a unified organization in the administrative, judicial and legislative fields, capable of the REFORMISM born of the tension between internal modernization and the backwardness of the surrounding environment, capable of the integrity necessary to be inherited in the name of the common interest. If, to understand the 18th century, one must examine the thought of Rousseau and Voltaire, it is enough to reread Sciascia in order to understand the 20th century and give a proper description of the STATE OF EXPECTATION, a proper definition that does not require another French Revolution in Europe, since that only serves to enter France, but rather of 1989, which marked the end of all regimes and all international policies. “Even in a democracy you may not be free,” says a well-known philosopher with a certain Voltairean irony. But in Sciascia’s drama “THE REGIME AND DICTATORSHIP,” he says: “The misfortune of the REGIME and the DICTATORSHIP—that is why today we are forced to agree with him, because he suggested that we take one step forward in order to take two steps back”; so that we can go backward in order to take two steps forward! And I believe this is not only the problem of the Albanian or Italian people, but of all the peoples of this world. But what matters is that every people believes in its own freedom; for example, that we all live together, to avoid DICTATORSHIPS, to prevent the return of the Monarchy, of DICTATORSHIPS, of any expression of the REGIME and every kind of mistake from the past. VINCENZO SCIASCIA

The madwoman N. of the Capital was seen late Thursday morning in the square in front of Parliament. Despite the new civilian and two other military guards, she managed to get as far as the steps of Parliament while groups of parliamentarians were out walking for a little fresh air. In full view of the parliamentarians, wearing pink ties, they apparently did not dare intervene. So the madwoman N. climbed two steps higher, improvised something like a podium and began shouting: “Honorable deputies. Listen carefully! I am going to read the list of State Security informers who have now become deputies. Listen carefully. No one is to interrupt me.” list now...” After this declaration by the madwoman, the parliamentarians became attentive and approached, seemingly by chance. The madwoman N. took a crumpled sheet of paper out of her bag and, looking left and right, began to read. “Here are the names of ...” Just then, the crowd of parliamentarians surged, as if on command, into Parliament. Mojkom Zego was running at the front. Others followed, jostling with their elbows. Only Gramoz Ruci, who was ... [unclear in the original], watched the crowd and smoked. The madwoman N., nearly knocked over by the parliamentarians, shouted: “Wait! Where are you going? Why are you leaving? Why are you afraid? Why are you rushing to get into the parliamentary chamber? Do you think you’re protected in there? I’ll go in there too. “I’ll go right up to the rostrum and name those who were collaborators of State Security. Wait! Where are you going? Hey, you, Gramoz Ruci! Why are you laughing? Why don’t you stop the parliamentarians? Why are you grinning? Stop, deputies!” The madwoman N. shouted, and just seconds later she was left alone, except for Gramoz Ruci, who was laughing, ha-ha-ha. After that, the madwoman N. left, spitting and shouting: “Wait, you’ll see me yet. If I don’t plaster Tirana with your names! I’ll put you in the newspaper too...” For the next two days the madwoman N. was not seen anywhere. Only one person insisted that he had seen her at the livestock market, carrying several invitations in her hands. One from the Socialist Party, one from the Democratic Alliance Party, a nominally Green one from ldajet Beqiri; a pink one from the Social Democratic Party, another from the Democratic Party and several from the Republican parties. This person insisted that, while doing a kind of fortune-telling, she was repeating all the conversations: “The party leaders have invited me to dialogue, to peace. This is no time for conflicts.” Someone else said at Café “Europa” that the madwoman would come to our café too to read out the names of State Security collaborators who have now become ... [unclear in the original]. After this statement, the café fell into mourning. For the first time, the café hall was almost empty. A third person insisted that on Saturday, at least in the afternoon, the madwoman N. had been seen on Television Street, where the talented mustachioed journalist Artan Tepelena had stopped her for an opinion on TV. In any case, the madwoman N. was not seen anywhere on Friday or Saturday. THE CHRONICLER

WE THREW AWAY THE COMMUNIST PARTY CARDS. BUT THE MENTALITIES?! - ...(Former communists find it hard to manage without party cards). - (incorrigible fools)