- Let us deprive THE PEOPLE of this “pleasure”! - - Let us deprive THE PEOPLE of this “pleasure”!- “We have no right to interfere in other people’s wishes; they have their own problem. If the Russian people want communism, let us leave them to their wish...” (1) These words were being said to me by a man who had fought against our Bloc, who had written harshly against our communist pyramid, and who had become well known precisely because of this struggle. In fact, he was telling me this: If the Russian people want communism, why not make communism possible for them? The question that kept nagging at me could be put this way: Should the return of communism be allowed (if the people want it)? We should not interfere in that, but would that make the people, given this kind of mentality, create the “new socialist man,” and so on? I do not intend to do that, not because we should not look back, but because THE PEOPLE MUST BE TAKEN AS THEY REALLY ARE. With their troubles and, truth be told, some very harsh faults. Moreover, one cannot lump an entire people together. So, what should be done if the Russian people (or the Albanian people) wanted communism? More precisely, should the people’s wish be respected in our case, when we have only just emerged, almost unanimously, from the communist hell? In principle, if we were talking about an established democracy, the answer would be: YES! How can the people’s right to choose their leaders and the form of government freely, directly, secretly, and equally (and by other synonyms!) be obstructed? Yes, how can the human and civic right to determine one’s own destiny be violated? Then the account of what had happened would be clear; most importantly, the Kosovo War would begin on the national level, while internationally it would be known as the Cold War. The Hashullaballoti would bring back their critical notes on Shevarnaxes, who had greatly influenced the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact, and we Albanians would withdraw our application to join NATO! Castro’s Cuba would be proclaimed a Holy Land, the Mecca of Communism for the steadfast, and Enver Hoxha’s monument would be erected again in the middle of Tirana; and, undoubtedly, the prisons of Burrel and of (continued on p. 3)

CONVERSATION WITH LAWYER NAFIZ BEZHANI Kavaja cannot be forgotten Read on PAGE 3

Frangaj, “fragile”—a victim of the ferocity of political clans ALDO TUFINA Frangaj, the “fragile” editor-in-chief of the newspaper “Koha jonë,” is under state arrest. He is to be investigated and tried for publishing a news item about “the movement of tanks in the north, on the border with Serbia.” In his latest explanation, Frangaj says that “the news is accurate.” Frangaj is Albanian. Frangaj says he bears neither moral nor criminal responsibility. Frangaj talks about morality. Let him talk. In his newspaper, he “says” publicly that Serbia is threatened by Albanian tanks, because these tanks supposedly went to the border. For the first time, Serbia, which has always been a threat to Albania, is now threatened by Albania (?!). Frangaj says this in his newspaper (if the newspaper really is his). If it were true that Albanian tanks were going north (to the border with Serbia), and that this could have raised the alarm about the danger of Serbia being invaded by Albania, if that is what he ultimately means, then it would mean that “the news is accurate.” Frangaj is Albanian. Frangaj is a victim, not the one responsible! CORRECTION I was told that in issue No. 23, dated March 31, 1993, of the newspaper ‘Koha jonë,’ my name had been included on the list of the editorial board. I looked into it and was surprised, because I had neither been asked nor had my opinion been sought. This is a falsification, and I have put this at the beginning of the title, quite clearly. I will not allow my name to be misused by anyone. JORGO BLLACI because Frangaj is a victim. Let Frangaj take comfort from this account. He is the victim of the most power-hungry, blind clan. Was Frangaj not “the emperor”—editor-in-chief, editor, journalist—along with Frok Çupi, intellectual Feston Tosi, Lubonja, doctors of skhenoas, and party presidents? Does Frangaj see things more clearly from above? Frangaj is a puppet. The court should bear in mind that it will not have only one victim in the dock. He is a victim of his own entourage, which is ready to sell its veto for a Frangaj. That is their morality. The morality of scoundrels.

How will the socialists manage now?! Dritëro Agolli was not so foolish as to vote in unison with Ndre Legisi and Fatos Nano against the Law on Human Rights. If only because the statute would also serve the characters and lyrical heroes in his poems. I do not know the voting very well. All his readers and admirers value this generosity of his as a quiet spiritual “YES.” Servet Pëllumbi once retorted during the debate: “I have no reason to hang my head, because I have done no dirty work, neither yesterday, nor today, nor tomorrow,” he said. If you believe these words, it follows that, according to Pëllumbi, the socialists’ vote against the law or their abstention was dirty work. Let us wait until the smell reaches the socialists. Fatos Nano expresses his pleasure that Azem Hajdari had (at last) understood the socialist leader in that party. His face, especially, showed triumph that even Hajdari was agreeing with him. Meanwhile, was the media completely silent? Let Hajdari vote. It was said that Nano again did not see me “...” It was not the immunity card, but, at any rate, he and his friends were overruled. Nano did not help him with a sharp retort; he left Dokle to burn like a television lamp. So what will Dokle and the socialists do now? It is said that the democrats, the social democrats, two Omonia members and the Republicans—the only ones in Parliament—will trample the socialists’ rights without pause, and when the latter complain, (continued on p. 3)

- Has the newspaper “Koha Jonë” finally separated from PAD? - The chairman of the PAD assembly becomes director of “Koha jonë” - Will Azem Hajdari deny being chairman of the editorial board of “Koha jonë”? Absurdities follow one another. Try, if you like, not to use the word “scenario” for the rapid sequence of events at “Koha jonë.” Try, if you like, not to believe such things. It is natural, for one reason or another, to oppose the current political power, or to have reservations about it. It is entirely natural for MP Azem Hajdari to rise in Parliament and openly express his reservations about a political line or position; in the same way, one may judge the anti-government stance of “Koha jonë” during this period, or its constant attacks on ministers such as Blerim Çela. One might also tolerate criticism, given that for a period “Koha...” was in the press alongside PAD’s views, and one would have expected the “Alliance” to separate and “Koha jonë” to become independent of this political force. Every individual and every newspaper has its own position, and this must be respected. This is the alpha of pluralism. But pluralism and democracy do not accommodate intolerance—not only civic and intellectual intolerance, but political intolerance as well. Let us not even mention state intolerance, which should not be in doubt, but “Koha jonë” and its people make it look very visible. Look at the latest issue of “Koha...”. It says A. Frangaj and Nikolla Lesi are forbidden to move freely, even though they are present even when meetings are held at the embassy! The democratic dictatorship being imposed on them is obvious! It is said that the assembly of “Koha jonë” has supposedly decided to (establish democracy by deciding to?) reorganize its staff for this emergency period! The unclear points are these: First, is the PAD assembly the same as the assembly of “Koha jonë”?! Second, can “Koha jonë” remain independent when its director is the chairman of the PAD assembly (council)? If this is not established, then is this newspaper being printed in a language of its own? If it turns out clearly that PAD depends on “Koha jonë,” then what? We seem to have independent newspapers and dependent parties! Third, given all his parliamentary and party duties in the PD, the governing party, it is difficult for him to be the actual chairman of the editorial board of a newspaper that is precisely opposed to this power. For democracy’s sake, Mr Hajdari could play a double game, but when it comes down to it, he will—as always—sacrifice the weaker side, namely “Koha...”. Will he declare himself that he has nothing to separate from the PD? So one should hope that “Koha...” will now put some distance between itself and the PD! As for this, nobody has heard that the State intended to shut down “Koha jonë” or any of its people. Indeed, it seems that “Koha jonë” itself is making up such a story to stir up a heated debate! And there are others who were standing there, not just officials who supposedly knew about a certain matter. Frangaj and Lesi are still in this picture. The fact that their director is the chairman of the Editorial Board suggests that the newspaper remains within the framework of the controversial Committee of Wages and Prices. Mr Bajram Zhanja has no business connection with Mr Papajorgji. Who can explain the fact that the company “Levante Kompani” is Italian-Yugoslav and distributes aid in Albania? No company, not even an American one, can provide aid alone; there is no aid, and it is understood that in Albania nothing happens without someone lending a hand. Yugoslavia. This too is connected to the unwritten archive of the Central Committee. A genuine victory for Albanian democracy will be the removal of UDB and ASFAL operatives from the top. They say that someone has connections from the past and that “sta” owes them for services rendered. Second, will “Koha jonë” continue to be dependent when its director is the chairman of the PAD assembly (council)? If this is not established, then is this newspaper being printed in some...? If it becomes clear that PAD depends on “Koha jonë” ... Look... ALBAN JONI

The madwoman N., with her zeal to fight for a role in the fate of Albanian democracy, publicly admits, as all honest people do, that if she were to take part in a contest with several questions, even rhetorical ones, she would uncover a modest fragment from the Central Committee’s archive. She says: “If ‘Miss Central Committee’ pageants were organized, who would win, or who would take the top three places? Considering that there must be such information among the things Dulla, alias Enver, left behind as a legacy. Miss Central Committee contestants are found around the propaganda departments, where the personalities were dressed with taste, in yellow shoes, green jackets, or clothes full of patches. Just don’t ever think that Miss Central Committee would be a woman. Which person with the title ‘Professor’ had a current account permitted in foreign currency? We remind you that in his case his biography, with connections in America, counted for something, while in a case involving Laska someone had been proclaimed a kulak, along with the children born between 1980 and 1985. Meanwhile, remember how, in an explanation about Serbia, out of zeal for the service, someone accuses Albanians of spying for their own president. Apparently, serving your nation is considered espionage. Times have changed, and so have the criteria. Thus Harilla Papajorgjin, after making a historic contribution to the total destruction, publications and burial, can now be found at the truck square, in front of the Bank, and, as we see, he works as a converter. People complain that the second spouse was forced to work for the socialist economy, when she could just as well have worked as she does now. With the help of his spouse, he completed? the Committee of Wages and Prices under discussion. Mr Bajram Zhanja, who has no business connection with Mr Papajorgji. Who can explain the fact that the company ‘Levante Kompani’ is Italian-Yugoslav and distributes aid in Albania? No company, not even an American one, is able to provide aid; there is no aid, and it is understood that in Albania nothing happens without someone lending a hand. Yugoslavia. This too is connected to the unwritten archive of the Central Committee. A genuine victory for Albanian democracy will be the removal from the top of UDB and ASFAL operatives. They say that someone has links from the past and that ‘sta’ owes them for services rendered. These chronicles?

This is not merely a metaphor. Those who yesterday came from the ranks of the “working class” and climbed to the highest elite of the party-state would one day return to their “origins.” But what of the worker comrades, the secretaries, the sawyers and carpenters, the bus drivers, the miners—could they return too? And why? Some of them were made members of parliament by this party on March 31, 1991; now one saw them back in the ranks of the underprivileged, if we can call them the “working class,” alongside their fellow MPs. Others have “betrayed” their old party’s cause and, with a unique parliamentary career, have taken up arms under various conditions, especially with the Democrats, and so are not expected to do this. In any case, the Albanian democratic name still has no value when it comes to finding out who among them was imprisoned, when and how they were released, and even securing years abroad. The Albanians of Athens, who have worked and lived there for a long time as emigrants, see that they are doing ordinary work: former first secretaries Skënder, Enveri Prosa, and others; even in Athens, one works as a welder. Others, in the “dismantling,” include the former parliamentary committee chairman, Gjergji Kostadulakën, who now works as a driver. Perhaps they too are a party carrying out their “return to their origins,” bringing harmony to the working class; they seem to have laid down the burdens on their own shoulders, paid for with the people’s money, which they never spend and which does not run out as it does for others. Here, where has this society left no trace? Here in Albania, or at a time when it had not yet been made. Now it has, because work has made them remember and learn a lesson. ALEX THOMA Illustration: “...And the day comes!”

THE EDITORIAL OFFICE