HYSA MEDIN FERAJ The nation’s share in Albania has learned, through the newspaper “Republika,” about three detailed Serbian programs for the annihilation of Albanians. From the late 1920s through 1985, at least five such programs are known: Andriç, B. Nushiq, V. Çubriloviç (two), and, in 1985, as a collective work, the Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. On average, every ten years—one detailed program for the annihilation of Albanians and the extension of the Serbian state as far as Durrës. Even the deadlines, financial means, concrete methods, political interpretation inside and outside the country, etc., etc., are described in detail. The scale of the crimes and the way they were carried out are chilling, even if read as a “horror”-genre novel. When you remember that the last program is only eight years old, one (should) shake off the thought that one is reading a novel or that these things belong to history. Does this mean that we Albanians have fully understood that, at least, this last one concerns us? Will there be another one in two years (especially now)? The Albanian state should have found the means to translate them into the world’s major languages, publish them in a joint volume, and distribute them to all the world’s most important political figures, political and scientific institutions, diplomatic missions and many of Albania’s [unclear]. Albanian intellectuals should have had them as a gift book for their friends around the world. At least two requests should have been noted in it: Everyone should, if they can, produce even one such program ever drawn up by Albanians; and everyone should, if they can, produce at least one Albanian program this detailed for protecting against them! But while we do not have even one comprehensive program to stand up to the Serbian programs, [unclear] of Albania! In any case, it is known that the state of E. Hoxha and R. Alia (and F. Nano) was concerned with revolution, m-l movements and socialism in the world. But the publication and distribution of these materials should have been undertaken, at least, now. The state of E. Hoxha, R. Alia and F. Nano did not make either world public opinion or its own public opinion aware of the inhuman and macabre programs the Serbian state had prepared for Albanians. Perhaps they feared falling out with their Serbian friends, or that raising the people’s awareness would make their implementation impossible. In truth, such a position has meant that their publication and distribution should happen, raising the people’s awareness would make their implementation impossible. There are two “paths” to this awareness: one was described above, and it is unfortunate that it has not been taken; the other is: by [text breaks off] In Albania, various party leaders—including its chairman, Neritan Ceka—at every press conference announce programs for talks with Serbia, to create a common state with it, a “Balkan commonwealth,” as he calls it.

Greece—the only state in the Balkans and the only state in Europe that publicly supports Milosheviçi. How right those senior politicians in Brussels are when they say they regret having admitted Greece to the European Community is demonstrated by the entire record of anti-European positions Greece has maintained throughout the current Yugoslav crisis and its various phases. For anyone who knows the history of the Balkans, there is nothing surprising here, but at the Community headquarters in Brussels they had the illusion that Athens, after being admitted to the European Common Market, would soon enter Europe, at least politically. After Greece’s brutal display of solidarity with Milosheviç’s Serbia, these illusions no longer exist, either at the negotiating tables or outside them. As if to provide Brussels’s politicians with a new fact, Greek Prime Minister Micotaqis gets up and goes to Belgrade again, holding euphoric meetings with figures “dear” to European public opinion, such as Milosheviçi and Karaxhiçi. There was no need for Micotaqis to declare after the Belgrade talks that “Athens is Belgrade’s most steadfast friend.” Nor is fresh confirmation needed that Micotaqis’s visit to Milosheviçi is a phase in the Serbo-Greek alliance in the Balkans. It clearly comes against a common opponent, the Albanians, who are spread across the Balkan states; what is interesting is to see whether Greece wants to advance the Serbian plan for the extermination of Albanians in Albania and Kosovo, or has a scenario of its own! In Greek diplomacy, the clocks have remained in the Middle Ages. In diplomacy, diplomacy is diplomacy! April 6 was the first anniversary of Serbia’s aggression in Bosnia. April 6 was also the anniversary of the European Community’s recognition of Bosnia-Herzegovina as an independent state. If Athens were to follow the Community’s European line, Micotaqis should have gone to Sarajevo and met the legitimate representative, Izetbegoviç. Instead, he goes to Belgrade and holds secret talks with the chief architect of Serbian aggression, the man who answered Europe with war, MILOSHEVIÇ. By this act, Athens seeks to defy Community Europe, seeks to defy the USA and the entire international diplomatic community. Is this megalomania? It is not an unknown trait of Greek diplomacy. Is this primitivism? this betrayal of European decisions? It is not an unknown trait of Greek diplomacy. Athens is not merely defying Europe; it is defying the whole world. A day before Micotaqis’s visit to Belgrade, the Western European Union decided to enforce the UN embargo against Serbia and Bosnia-Herzegovina? In diplomacy, coincidences are defy Community Europe, the USA and the entire international diplomatic community. Greece and Bosnia-Herzegovina? In diplomacy, coincidences are diplomacy. On with war, MILOSHEVIÇ. Greece, which is causing the peoples of former Yugoslavia to bleed, goes and meets the other criminal, Karaxhiçi, who, together with his soldier in Belgrade, has the blood of 10,000 dead and 100,000 wounded in Bosnia on his conscience. And when, inevitably, Karaxhiçi’s gang and Milosheviçi’s government reject the Owen-Vance Peace Plan, Micotaqis meets Karaxhiçi and, echoing him, criticizes the EC and the UN, saying the Peace Plan apparently needs improvement. Greece turns out to be the only state in the Balkans and the only state in Europe that openly supports Milosheviçi. There is no doubt that it is calculating something, seeing its European membership as so unconstrained and so lacking in dignity. This is the familiar, old calculation of megalidhesa: to add lands, territories and populations to Greece. Milosheviçi cannot make public the proposal he previously made to Micotaqis in a tête-à-tête meeting to create a Greek-Serbian confederation. This is the basis of the joint operation of Greek and Serbian diplomacy which, under this objective—federation or confederation—seeks to seize territories of Albania, Macedonia, Bulgaria, Turkey, etc. In many European chanceries, various diplomats ask: Is this possible in this century? For anyone who knows the Balkans well and knows Greece and Serbia well, it is entirely possible. For and it has not yet entered Europe. The megalomaniacal and ominous alliance between Greece and Serbia is irrefutable proof. For and it has not yet entered Europe. KOSTA TOMORRI [Reasonable?] However, it is not too late for this awareness to become more enduring in Belgrade,” there was no need for Micotaqis to declare this after the talks in Belgrade. It smells like hostility toward the whole Balkans—read the history of relations between Greece and Serbia. That it will encourage a rain of blood is clear enough from what the previous meetings between Micotaqis and Milosheviçi in both capitals produced. What stands out most is the consistent aim of Greek diplomacy to set itself against European diplomacy and Europe. Why did Micotaqis choose the anniversary of the Serbian aggression in Bosnia as the very day for his visit to Belgrade for European public opinion, such as Milosheviçi and Karaxhiçi. That “Athens is above Europe”? on the Danube River. The UN Security Council will consider tightening sanctions against Serbia in the coming days. On April 6, US Secretary of State Warren Kristofer gave the American conclusion that “the problem lies in the repeated aggression; through their brutal aggression, the Serbs have taken a large part of Bosnia’s territory.” And Greek diplomacy, instead of choosing Brussels, instead of choosing the European Community, the UN and the WEU, goes and chooses the criminal Milosheviç, For Greek diplomacy, the clocks have remained in the Middle Ages

Crossing this border post at Çate Thanë no longer presents any difficulty. All formalities are completed within 20 minutes, and the process concludes with a visa being placed in the passport, at the top of which, in Cyrillic letters, is stamped “Republic of Macedonia.” Macedonia. One of the six republics of the former Yugoslavia, defined as such in 1945, with 2 million inhabitants of various nationalities, has been seeking international recognition for 15 months. In terms of numbers, Albanians in the territory of Macedonia rank second, while in terms of historical suffering, they rank first. From after the First World War until 1945, Albanians, in the full sense of the word, were not considered human beings. Only after the war [unclear] Albanians, or Serbs chosen from Montenegro, were not allowed to speak in Belgrade’s hotels, but [unclear] in inns. Immediately after the end of the Second World War, a large number of Albanians took part in the war as partisans to liberate Kosovo. In ’48, the year Yugoslavia broke relations with the USSR. The Albanian Golgotha in Macedonia would only be interrupted in the ’70s. Throughout this period Albanians were systematically persecuted. [Unclear] the great reform in the Yugoslav system during the Rankoviç period and later, Rankoviç’s [actions] somewhat changed the position of Albanians in Macedonia. But this change did not happen at the same pace as in Kosovo. Political rehabilitation took place (at the social level, not individually). Nevertheless, the 1974 Constitution defined Albanians as a state-forming element. This ‘spring’ lasted only 10 years (’70–’80), and in the ’80s Albanians were re-educated. Schools were closed, and matters went so far that Albanians were labeled ‘enemies of Macedonia’; against them were used intolerable experiments, which in ’89 were implemented systematically in Kosovo. During the upheavals in Eastern Europe (’89–’90), Macedonia tried to [unclear] on its own, until 1948, Throughout this period Albanians were systematically persecuted. New political parties were formed. National political parties were also formed. The use of national symbols, freedom of speech and assembly were permitted—prerequisites for moving further along the path of democracy. The press in Macedonia is carrying news this day about the Republic’s international recognition on its back pages. Parliamentary debates between the government and opposition have focused on the question of the name. The opposition insists on changing the name. Meanwhile, the economic situation is worsening and living standards are declining. Industry needs regeneration; the factories appear [unclear], and [this is despite] the fact that 65% of the land has remained privately owned throughout. Such a thing could also be implemented in industry—privatization—but at present there is no [unclear] to carry it out. In these circumstances, the Albanians ‘have sought “their [unclear]” on the road to independence, which has been supported, which [unclear] national policy and the Republic. been supported, which [unclear] national policy and the Republic. democracy. Under these circumstances, one thing posed another problem: “We have to regain the rights we used to have,” says Ismail M., whom a few months ago an official who is now a minister had shouted at over the telephone: “Why are you speaking Albanian!” “Organized in several political parties (the largest of which are the Party of Democratic Prosperity and the People’s Democratic Party) and with 23 members of parliament, Albanians have articulated their demands in good time. In a single word, they seek equality. But ‘equality’ is understood differently in Macedonian reality: ‘Now we are the majority and we decide what the constitutional order will be; when you become the majority, decide as you wish,’ says L. Gjorgjieski, leader of VMRO-DPMNE in Macedonia (Flaka e Vellazerimit, 31 March 1993). But how many Albanians are there, and can it be expected that they will become a majority in order to gain equal rights? The Albanian population massively boycotted the latest census. It was requested that the census be conducted in duplicate, for fear of manipulation, but this was not accepted. Macedonians say that Albanians are 20, at most 25%, but Albanians do not accept this figure. In informal conversations, the figure being bandied about is 40%. The new census will be held in April next year, and it will include not only the Albanians who boycotted the census two years ago. Unlike two years ago, Albanians are now represented in parliament and also have ministers in the coalition government, but nothing concrete is being achieved. The discussion of the problems of Macedonia’s Albanians in Geneva brings this coalition government into sharper focus (where it works without a joint program). ‘None of our initiatives has gone anywhere,’ Albanian MP Muhamet Halili, coordinator of the two Albanian parliamentary groups, said in a television interview. Nevertheless, he emphasizes: ‘There is no foreign delegation that has come to Macedonia without meeting with Albanian representatives.’ He also expresses something else, but not fully. The program host reminds him: ‘We have 3 minutes left,’ and then, stop. Skopje, with 3 television channels, reserves only one broadcast in the Albanian language. Things are somewhat different on the radio. Albanian is cramped. “We don’t even have the courage, man, to speak Albanian,” says Z. L., a worker in Skopje. Albanian is spoken now, but education in the mother tongue is the problem. Seven times fewer Albanians than Macedonians attend secondary school, and 20 times fewer attend higher education. Although people live under democratic conditions, not a single sign in Albanian is to be found in any corner of Skopje. Even the cultural-artistic society “Emin Duraku” is listed in Cyrillic letters. This applies to the centers and the names of some towns as well. It is written Tetovë, not Tetovo; Dibër, not Diber; Bitola, not Manastir; and Shkup only in Cyrillic letters. (Continued on page 4)

The madwoman N., now conscious of her historic role in national life and history, makes a bankrupt [unclear] with a heroism that recalls the Yalta-Malta speech. —Honorable and respected people, do not lose hope: evil will do its work, but it will eat its own head. The rich people of these past two years will experience a terrible tragedy, while [unclear] the causes of injustices. Albanian political theater springs from a great desire to embellish the fate of former political figures, but God save us: these figures are reappearing in the form of some daring [unclear], convinced ever since the first conference of the new mandates in Durrës (where Nexhmije Hoxha took part, with a voice like a tin roof) that they are the glorious heirs of the nation. The opening of the files, loudly demanded by the file-keepers, shows the high degree of danger posed in political life by those who denounced and betrayed their comrades and friends. Genta [unclear] memories that they should be exposed—those who, entrusted with positions and demagoguery as distinguished people, but [unclear] the administration, sought a grave beneath the earth, filled pits with wealth, left them and went away, though this life remains for them to tell the truth. Please understand my pathological delirium as the purest call of the human soul and as a message for all subjects in the world of the brigadier: officials and ministers are just as temporary as fleeting clouds, which Sancho Panza, Don Quixote promised him he remembered. Blessed is the one who reads, blessed is the one who understands. It is not impossible that ignorance, when mocked, may bring happiness. This [unclear] reason that gives life to: faded officials embellishing THE CHRONICLER

To His Excellency Mr Kiro Gligorov, President of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Skopje Your Excellency, It is a particular pleasure for me, on behalf of the Albanian people and in my own name, to extend to you my warmest greetings on the admission of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to the United Nations. This is a historic event for the peoples of your independent state. Admission to the UN and the simultaneous recognition of that Republic by the international community help guarantee security and stability in the Balkan region and beyond. I am convinced that, through our joint efforts and mutual understanding, we will remove every obstacle to the further and broader development of comprehensive relations between our countries, because this is in our mutual interest, and in the interest of peace, security, understanding and cooperation among the Balkan states. I express my deep conviction that the Albanian population living in Macedonia, which is an important constituent part of that state, has also merited this important decision of the UN General Assembly, because it creates every possibility for them to enjoy the legitimate rights to which they are entitled. Please accept, Your Excellency, my warmest greetings and assurances of my highest consideration. SALI BERISHA PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF ALBANIA Tirana, 09. 04. 1993.

“Republika” wishes all Christian believers HAPPY EASTER!

On April 15, at 10:00*, the National Council of the Republican Party will meet. The branches should review the report presented to the Steering Committee by the chairman, Mr. Sabri Godo, which has been sent to the districts in recent days. The meeting will begin directly with the discussions, as also announced in a separate letter; three delegates from each branch will take part. The meeting will be held in the hall of the National Historical Museum. Organization Department