-The man with drugs is caught in a few minutes The public is already aware that drugs are also circulating in Albania. The detection operation was truly unprecedented. The Durrës police had received several leads, which they further substantiated through cooperation with the police forces of a neighboring state. Meanwhile, the prosecutor’s office took the appropriate measures to ensure that the drug distributor or possessor would be caught with material evidence. And that is exactly what happened. At 17:00, on the outskirts of Durrës beach, F. Kulla was arrested with two bottles of cocaine. Everything was carried out very swiftly. The search of the residence was also conducted just as swiftly. In these premis[es?] 53 BOTTLES OF COCAINE were found, along with several other bottles suspected by experts to contain heroin. This quantity of cocaine is kept in penicillin bottles bearing Chinese labels. (Continued on page 2)

The “hunt” for Albanian emigrants in Greece continues The long-awaited meeting in Sarandë between the delegations of Albania and Greece, held a few days ago, although it had raised hopes that the green light would be given to resolve the problem of Albanian emigrants in Greece by increasing the number of seasonal workers with contracts, remained within the bounds of a promise. In addition, Mrs. Çudëru declared at the conclusion of this meeting that “it has no connection with the return of Albanian refugees” and that “the Greek government distances itself from the extreme actions against Albanian refugees undertaken in recent days.” Nevertheless, although the Albanian side at this meeting pointed out its considerable difficulties, it seems that the problem of Albanian refugees in Greece will continue in the future to constitute a discordance between what is said and what is actually done. Before we have even properly heard what was said and discussed in Sarandë, we are informed that the “hunt” for Albanians who have gone to work temporarily in Greece continues at a high pace. On Friday alone, dozens and hundreds of Albanian emigrants were sent back at the Kapshticë border crossing in the Korçë district, even though the signing of seasonal contracts had been promised for them and for others with urgent economic needs. It is somewhat difficult to understand this new stance of the Greek authorities, when a contemporary solution to the problems facing our two countries today is being proclaimed all day long. If the Greek government rightly distances itself from the extreme actions against Albanian refugees, it is up to it, and it alone, to find the reasons for such conduct. This will best serve in the future not only the commitments undertaken, but also the search for an acceptable solution.

Comrade Fatos Nano at the 1(11) Congress of the PP(S)SH, between two Albanian communists playing the roles of Marx[?] and Engels.

a hope for a return to the Albanian press [Photo with newspaper signs.] to bring a new experience to the tense Albanian press. Political impartiality, an informative character and, above all, dedication to the Albanian national cause are perhaps the strongest lines that the newspaper “Rilindja”’s new profile presents to the Albanian reader. For the first time, at our kiosks it will not have Slavic or Greek newspapers beside it, though it will often feel cramped. It will be open to everyone. It will risk only those who become untrustworthy through the bad practice of disinformation. Sixteen pages of information from Kosovo and Albania, Macedonia and the other ethnic Albanian territories will be in Albanians’ hands every day, to remind them not only of their existence, but also to set out in Albanian letters historical appeals by the Greek press against Albania, in order to “prove” the new dissidence of old journalists. It will feel cramped when some Albanian newspaper tries to praise the Serbs above everyone else, claiming that “Albania is sending tanks to the border.” But in any case, it will never restrict their space. It is published daily in 16 pages and sold within the day throughout Western Europe, in the USA and Australia. Its publication in Tirana completes the final part of the spectrum that has emerged in our national information as a result of the Serbian dictatorship. It will appear today to reassure us all. We hope that the Albanian press, which has long awaited the return of “Rilindja”, will also feel reassured.

For the ignorant of this world, the lackeys, servants and spies, truth is never experienced as something that can be revealed

a hope for a return to the Albanian press It will be on sale today at our kiosks, which are still without posters[?], alongside its sister newspapers bearing Albanian letters. Three years later, after the Serbian efforts to make people forget, it appears before Albanian readers to remind those who wanted the Albanians to be forgotten, one by another, that they know how to live with one another. Rilindja is published in Albania today. A publishing house with around 200 journalists is trying to work more energetically. Thus, the Kosovar intellectuals and “Republika” have acted with complete seriousness. Enverian monist propaganda never acted in this way, either because of its complete lack of seriousness or because E. Hoxha’s regime did not have a clear conscience regarding the Kosovo issue and had become deeply implicated during the war. Rilindja publishing house for Albania. [serve?] the ideologues. Both sides have been and remain in close alliance in this dreadful crusade imposed with frenzied energy. The principal Greater Serbian ideologue is Čubriloviqi; without knowing his programs (memoranda), one cannot form ideas in the struggle for Greater Serbianism. V. Čubriloviq (born in 1897) joined the Serbian nationalist movement in his youth; he received a doctorate from the University of Belgrade, where he worked as a professor in the Faculty of Philosophy, and was an active member of the “Serbian Cultural Club”, one of the theoretical hotbeds of Serbian chauvinism (it was precisely here, on 16 March 1938, that he presented the memorandum “The Expulsion of the Arnauts”). During the War he joined the Communist Party of Yugoslavia and, on the 1944 front, handed over to the leadership the second memorandum, “The Problem of Minorities in the New Yugoslavia”. He held high-ranking positions: minister, director of the Balkan Institute, member of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, etc. The two memoranda formulate the Greater Serbian strategy and constitute the platform for the actions and propaganda of Milošević’s state, the most aggressive state of its time. The second theoretician of anti-Albanianism is Ivo Andriq. In this intellectual, very well known throughout the world, it is as if [he] serves alliance in this dreadful crusade imposed with frenzied energy. Čubriloviq and Andriq — champions of Greater Serbian anti-Albanianism The inherited core consists of Vasa Čubriloviq’s two “memoranda” (reports), from 1938 and 1944; the “Ivo Andriq Report 1939”; and the 1938 Yugoslav-Turkish Convention on the expulsion of Albanians from Kosovo. If some other document had also been included in this core (an excerpt from the Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Sciences, the 1989 Tivar thesis, which the Yugoslav government [presented?] to the world), we could say that the reader had in their hands the principal document of the theory of Greater Serbian violence drafted to date. The brochure makes strikingly clear the uninterrupted, 100-year-old link between the practical anti-Albanian activity of the Serbo-Yugoslav governments and alliance in this dreadful crusade imposed with frenzied energy. Čubriloviqi and Andriq — Vasa Čubriloviq’s two “memoranda”, anti-Albanian activity of the Serbo-Yugoslav governments and alliance in this dreadful crusade imposed with frenzied energy. ▸ The strategic objective of Greater Serbianism It has remained unchanged since the great nineteenth century. When independence was achieved, two famous personalities of its [history] coexisted: Dr. Jekyll (from Stevenson’s famous novel), who was a capable scientist but, having been infected during a genetic experiment, transformed from time to time into a monster and committed terrible crimes. Andriq is the most distinguished Yugoslav writer of our century, author of realistic novels and novellas; he received the Nobel Prize for the renowned novel “The Bridge on the Drina”. But he was also a wily diplomat, a close adviser to Prime Minister M. Stojadinoviq, who pursued a harsh anti-Albanian policy. In January 1939, Andriq drafted for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs the report “On the Albanian Problem”, similar to Čubriloviq’s memorandum. Here is another case of a split personality: Dobrica Qosiq is a talented writer, author of the fine novel about the anti-fascist war, “The Sun Is Far Away”. But he now holds the post of president of the Serbo-Montenegrin Federation and bears responsibility for Milošević’s chauvinist policy. This shows the extent to which the poison of chauvinism intoxicates the subconscious of the Serbian intelligentsia. ▸ since the great nineteenth century. When Serbia achieved independence, Čubriloviqi formulated it as follows (1938): “The Albanian triangle, the regions lying to the north and south of the Šar Mountains” (that is, the Albanian lands of Kosovo and Macedonia) — “it is our present-day state’s duty to break it up; this stands as our great state task.” “Breaking up the triangle” means two objectives, each more brutal than the other: first, colonization (or Serbianization), that is, bringing a very large number of Serb-Montenegrin settlers into Albanian lands to fundamentally alter the ethnic character of those lands. Second, driving most Albanians, if possible all of them, outside the borders of Yugoslavia. These catastrophic acts of ethnocide, which would affect at least 1.5 million Albanians—women, men, children and elderly people—Čubriloviqi cynically calls by the harmless-sounding euphemism “ethnic cleansing”. Albanians, he says, cannot be pushed back by gradual colonization alone. This is the only people that, throughout the last [unclear] period, has managed not only to maintain itself in the heartland of their state of Bajanë and Zeta, but also to remain alive [unclear]. Here, without meaning to, Čubriloviqi acknowledges their resistance. (Continued on page 4) First issue of the newspaper “Rilindja” in Switzerland, 7 May 1992

For the accused of this world, the navët, servants and spies, the truth is never experienced as something that might be revealed tomorrow, however near or distant. Hekuran Isai, as Minister of the Interior, was a strong link in Alia’s portrait. He could ruin it, but he could also repair it. The repair could not be made if the Minister of the Interior praised his own chief, because the minister carried on his back not only the faults belonging to his weighty nomenklatura, but it was possible that other faults might also be laid at his door. He could be destroyed in only one way—with an own goal. And the own goal was scored by instilling in him the hope that the democratic forces would see, in the portrait of Hekuran Isai, an innocent man, a victim of the times, a brother-in-law. For this reason, a very [representative] was sent to him (continued on page 3)

The madwoman N. came out into Skënderbej Square dressed in a military overcoat, boots and a cap. “Today I will fill the pedestals,” she shouted. Immediately after her came together not only the crowd that fills the square, but also political party leaders, academics and professors without works, etc. At first the madwoman N. addressed Enver’s pedestal. She climbed up and began: “I am Enver. I am Nexhmije. Did Enver sleep with Nexhmije? I have no knowledge of that. Enver himself, in the 150,000 pages of his works (as Sevo Tariku counted them), never says so. Nexhmije herself, in the 1,500 pages of speeches against revisionism, never says so. I am announcing a contest. Let all the employees of the Institute of Marxism-Leninism come here. Let the 66 commissions that Soto Lazri and Agim Popa set up in 1988 to fill the Museum’s computers with index cards for Enver’s works come too. Whoever finds a line in the works saying that Enver slept with Nexhmije, I will give up my place on the pedestal to them. I have read only the book ‘When the Party Was Born.’ There Enver writes only that he slept with Malin Popoviqin. What came of that? The Party came of it. Nexhmije is not to blame for that. So let her be released. Besides the gold of the old merchants, let’s give her the gold of the new merchants too, if she tells us what happened.” The madwoman N. climbed down and, accompanied by the crowd, went to the square in front of the Art Gallery. She climbed onto Stalin’s pedestal and began: “I am Stalin. I am Nadia Allilujeva. It is my fault that I married Stalin to Nadia. If I had married him to Nexhmije, you would have seen who would have killed herself. Albania would have become a superpower and Enver would have written the work ‘Two Superpowers—Friendly Peoples.’ Then she climbed down quickly and, without giving the crowd time to shout, ran up to Lenin’s pedestal. “I am Lenin. I am Krupskaya. Krupskaya was barren. No. Lenin was barren. It is my fault that I married Lenin to Krupskaya. seen how Stalin became the party’s general secretary. Russia would have been saved. But Albania would have been saved too.” The madwoman N. thought for a moment and said she wanted a car to go to the pedestal of Marx[?]. In the car of the Good Neighbor Party, [someone] came up to her, and together with the crowd they went to Marx’s pedestal. “I am Marx. I am Engels. (No, [someone] shouted from the crowd. Marx’s wife was Jenny.) The madwoman N. listened with her eyes turned toward the sky and continued with mocking secrecy: ‘I am Marx. I am Engels. I, too, used to think that Marx’s wife was Jenny. seen whether he would have been at ease. He wouldn’t have spent 145 years tiring himself out reading Marx’s works with his stomach in his hands. It’s my fault. Proletarians of all countries, urinu[a?], forgive me!’ THE CHRONICLER

Fatos Nano, Namik Dokle and Gramoz Ruçi set off by plane for Cuba, invited by Fidel Kastro. As soon as the plane takes off, Fatos Nano takes a thousand-lekë note out of his wallet and says: - I’m throwing this down so some unprivileged person can be happy. - Better throw two 500-lekë notes. Then two unprivileged people will be happy, says Gramoz Ruçi. - I say throw ten 10-lekë notes so ten such people can be happy, Namik Dokle retorts. A passenger who heard them says: - Do you know what you should do? All three of you jump out so the whole of Albania can be happy. A. P