STATEMENT OF THE STEERING COMMITTEE OF THE ARPA The killing of eight Albanians within 26 hours by Serbian border patrols is an openly brutal provocation against our country and the nation as a whole. This provocation is taking place at a time when the United Nations has imposed further sanctions on Serbia. Millosheviçi is seeking to create a conflict with the Albanians in order to divert the world's attention from Srebrenica and Sarajevo. It is now clear that Millosheviçi will stop at nothing to plunge the Balkans into war. We call on our authorities not to fall into the Serbian trap. At the same time, however, the lives of our citizens must be protected and the provocation denounced. The People's Assembly and the Government, meeting immediately, must request that this tragic issue be considered by the Security Council and the European Parliament. It must be made clear that Albania will not allow criminal killings and terror to be inflicted on our border population. The Foreign Ministry statement read on television on April 27 was utterly irresponsible. We must not believe that Serbia will become less aggressive if we remain silent; on the contrary, the more tolerant our state is, the more their arrogance and violence will grow. How many killings of Albanians have there been on the border with the former Yugoslavia in the last six months? The mass killings of these two boys show that we have stopped nothing merely by protesting to the criminal authorities and setting up border commissions. If the world is looking for evidence, it has it before its eyes in the bodies of groups of young boys, massacred not because of the border, but simply to take their lives. The vigorous actions that the Albanian Parliament and Government must undertake are dictated by the need to protect the nation and peace in the region. The Steering Committee of the Albanian Republican Party

The tankers cross the Otranto, but the sea cannot hide the thefts The interpellation by Mr. Blerim Çela and the material he presented, with evidence, documents and all the technical elements, assembled in commendable work, ultimately shed light on a shameful act by the government, the activities of Çarçani, Nano, etc. Naturally, this extensive material, compiled after serious work, is at the same time an example and a signal that the administration of the democratic state, the Democratic Era, cannot in any way flirt with any kind of communist-Labour-socialist remnant, regardless of the costume it may wear. The figure of more than 8 million dollars seized from Italian aid, taken from the people's mouths and put into the private pockets of those in power, is an accusation that shocks public opinion. But it is not the most important matter concerning the fate of the Socialist Party. In the first place, it reveals to voters and its members that it is not only its chairman, Mr. Nano, who comes from the old communist residences, but that the entire psychology, the entire collaboration and the connections of this party are with the old parties. Thus, the transition from the Party of Labour to the Socialist Party is a political manoeuvre, because its essence is nothing other than an extended hand of the methods, forms and humane attitudes toward people; indeed, it should be added in this case that the doses of profit have increased. The interpellation reveals the continuation of that harsh policy by which this people is not allowed to see a better day. In hunger, in a struggle for life or death with the dictatorship, through political scenarios more important than the figure of more than 8 million dollars. The interpellation almost reveals a deception even greater in terms of figures, but the same tragedy that existed between the lambs Pali Miska ate and the ration coupons that were pushed from one month to the next for the people. Intellectuals and ordinary, honest people who belong to this party as their preferred socialist alternative have the right and are free to choose whatever they wish, but it would be unforgivable and primitive to preserve myths, especially these very myths manufactured in the political games of the past two years. It is paradoxical and speaks of profound social and political backwardness, but also of clandestine, well-paid work. The condemnation is entirely similar to what ‘Zëri i Popullit’ once did to defend the nomenklatura, and then itself attacked them mercilessly. In this context, Fatos Nano is a symbol of communist corruption. [Text cut off at the bottom of the page] It was not understood why Mr. Fatos Nano, after his interpellation

Dr. APOLLON BAÇE As an ordinary citizen, I am writing from the position of an ordinary Albanian citizen. The issue of the plundering of Italian aid in 1991 is one of the most painful matters for a poor people like ours. Since it has been raised, it must ultimately be examined with justice, dignity and objectivity. But such pain, at a given moment, fades in the face of national tragedies. The killing of 10 Albanians in just two days by Serbs and Montenegrins is a national tragedy. In a population of 300,000 Albanians. In a large country, it would be 500 people. And these large, civilized countries, when even one of their citizens is killed, declare mourning and take measures; they do not engage in rhetoric. As an Albanian and a father, and not only I, I experience the killing of 17-year-old Albanian children and young Albanians aged 20–25 as a national tragedy. Do others experience it as such? Since the massacres took place on the 25th and 26th, would it not have been a good idea for the parliamentary interpellation to take place a day or two earlier? Two deputies from the two main parties quarrelled, insulted one another, and argued over one issue. Is this not shameful for the leaders of the so-called PS, for Nano to be defended by the people or by the country? This is an aesthetic discussion, the medieval council’s debate over “how one hears the angels fighting.” But not one of the deputies—not even the Christian deputy who had come to confront the deputies demanding, outside democratic procedure, the removal or dismissal of people who apparently deserved it—said a single word about this tragedy. Not a word about the bloodshed of Albanians, about the insult to the dignity of the Albanian nation. In this vein, Albanian radio and television presented the news of the Albanians killed as a second-rate item, after the news about the interpellation and the quarrels in Parliament. But Albanian custom, and not only Albanian custom, requires that the calamity be reported first. It stands above everything. The press: ‘Zëri i Popullit’ covered this event in a few lines and in letters far too small compared with the headline about the interpellation. In particular, ‘Bashkimi and RDA’ did not give it even a single line. The tragedy occurred on the 25th, the forensic examination was carried out on the 26th, and the news was reported on the 27th. What is not functioning here? Western mass media would have reported the news of the unlawful killing of 10 victims within the same day. The Foreign Ministry’s protest note described its request that the competent authorities in Belgrade take all measures to prevent “the execution of the innocent.” As if this were an ordinary event of some kind. The chargé d’affaires of the Serbian-Montenegrin embassy did not deign to accept this note, even in this wording. Not a word about this rudeness in the press, on radio or on television. Are we incapable of doing even one thing that says the nation, the blood of the nation and the dignity of the nation stand above everything? The editorial office of the newspaper ‘Republika’ hereby gives notice to all private newspaper vendors and street press agencies, as well as PR branches, to deposit without delay all proceeds from sales of the newspaper into account number 066/110. Otherwise, the editorial office will be obliged to take the matter formally to court.

On Monday, 26.4.1993, a fraternal meeting was held in one of the halls of the National Museum in Tirana between the chairman of the Albanian-American League, Guizephe Dioguardi, and its members. On Monday, 26.4.1993, a fraternal meeting was held in one of the halls of the National Museum in Tirana between the chairman of the Albanian-American League, Guizephe Dioguardi, and members of the League, on the one hand, and Albanian students from Kosovo and students at the University of Tirana, on the other. Dioguardi spoke about the contribution of the Albanian-American League, founded in 1988, and the Albanian question throughout the Albanian territories. In particular, he discussed his personal contribution as a former American congressman in support of the Albanians; he had visited Tirana six times, Prishtina five times and Shkup three times, and now he will visit (continued on page 4)

BARDHI SEJDARASI For this day, the Bible says: “The world was corrupt and full of violence.” When Fatos Nano, the number-one leader of the Socialists, was asked on the day he called for the resignation of the democratic government what he believed in, he replied that he “believes” and added that he “confesses, and indeed confesses completely.” Many people saw his confession as a joke, whether about “Levante Co” or “Ilija Holding,” at least for the period when he was prime minister. But Nano, returning from China, accused today’s rulers of “getting even the trees pregnant,” or of “trees without bones calling trees with bones” trees. In any case, this was not his full confession. He did not manage to confess even at Tuesday’s prolonged and tense session of the Albanian Parliament, where, during an interpellation, Blerin Çela, chairman of the State Control Commission, spoke at length about Fatos Nano and his associates, deeply implicated in corruption involving humanitarian aid in the Albanian state, which is also receiving aid from Italy. In any case, Fatos stood for a long time, firmly planted at the Parliament’s lectern, waiting to click his emotions into place, as he had done two days earlier through “ZF,” where he described the accusations against him as “slander in the wake of previous slanders and scenarios.” Strangely, after the interpellation, the former prime minister of the three-month communist government was not at all calm, although he tried to appear so, at least outwardly. The Socialist parliamentary group was also nervous. Nano smoked a lot of cigarettes, even in the Parliament chamber—a rare thing for him. He did not go outside or to the café during breaks in the session, and all the while he leafed through a pile of documents in front of him. He never smiled, not even when the parliamentarians were ready to give a forceful call that would put Blerin Çela on the podium (presumably because of the aid) instead of him, the one whose face had smiled whenever he counted the billions and millions of Italian lire in aid that had been “pocketed and swallowed up” during Nano’s rule. The reason for Nano’s deep nervousness, and that of those behind him, was not stated during the parliamentary session. But it became clear when Gramoz Ruçi took the floor. With an astonishing degree of arrogance, he asked for nothing more and nothing less than a copy of the material presented by the Chairman of State Control and the complete file of documents accusing his Socialist chairman. Gramoz, accustomed to files ever since he was Minister of the Interior, and perhaps also accustomed to files that “went missing,” could hardly believe his eyes as he saw that there were still files against Chairman Nano. As if— (continued on page 4) [It must not] in any way be undermined by any kind of chemical-worker-socialist refuse, whatever suit it may wear. Albania’s more than 8 million dollars’ worth of aid from Italy, snatched from the people’s mouths and used by the communist government for rulers’ private pockets, is an accusation being raised in public opinion. But it is neither unbelievable nor unexpected, because throughout this economic monstrosity the connections stem from the anti-bribery upheaval in Italy. Here, the communication and contribution of both sides—the Italian company, its rulers in Italy, and those in Albania—and the scale of that contribution must also be examined more deeply. Shedding light on this cooperation would help establish the truth. Meanwhile, what Mr Çela added in Parliament now belongs to the judicial and investigative authorities, and the most important issue is how this monstrous event is interpreted and how political groups and politicians reflect on it. Corruption exposed with the precision and dignity of a Falcone, without his tragic fate, sheds light precisely on the thing [The text is garbled.] which this people is not allowed to fare any better. In the meantime, in a life-or-death struggle with dictatorship, through political scenarios operating from the inside out and from the outside in, with sullied figures and hidden, infectious agents, the people found themselves at the moment when humanitarian aid from the friendly Italian people arrived; yet at that very moment a hand was stretched out to snatch the bread from the mouth of an empty and stripped-bare Albania. First and foremost, the one that should reflect calmly and wisely, at least once in its life to date, is the Socialist Party itself. It has no reason to identify itself with its chairman. The ordinary members of the Socialist Party should take a look at the life of their party’s “Blloku I” and compare it with their own; the nakedness of the truth is catastrophic. The [text is garbled]. [The following passage is repeated in the source:] [The text is garbled.] the truth is catastrophic. The [text is garbled]. (continued on page 4)

Crazy N showed up at the fountain with some unusual characteristics. Wearing glasses, a black-and-white striped shirt and a ceremonial suit, she was strangely wearing red shoes, which she wanted to take off. The fountain was full of water; she climbed onto the curb and said: “Gentlemen, policemen, former security officers must be present at my speech, headed by Nevzat Zyllytar Ramizi, the former Marxist-Leninist, and, if possible, Comrade Kashimosh Mihal, whom Mr Koçi Zengo trained. At the same time, I want all the linguists of Albania to come, because my speech will also be a seminar for exchanging experience. I, as a writer, am Fatos Nano, and here I accuse the democratic government: why did it create State Control, and where did it get that Blerin Çela from? Comrade Ramiz and I had thought we would put someone else there; in fact, at first we agreed that Hajdin Sejdia should also head State Control. I don’t know who went back on their word, but that one is waiting for him too. Now it seems there’s a place for Sokoli to get up, and Liri, beside the crowd, is aiming to get me there alive and well-adapted. This business of ‘bërësimeve’ is very important; in fact, there’s so much information about it that even in Elbasan there are people who have made colossal profits from ‘bërësuar.’ But, as everyone knows, we haven’t gathered for this, although we can’t completely get away from it either, because I was ‘bërës’... Nexhmija, I ‘bërësova’ Ndre Legisin. Don’t push, don’t push—you can’t see there’s one? I can’t use Musa Dobrovoçe as a lifebuoy. Someone is pushing my lifebuoy. Ah, where did this Blerin Çela come from? Without State Control, this government would be like a monastery, where everyone would be comfortable. That’s how it is. [Unclear] those shameful glasses of a nervous eye. How did he get an electric shock? I don’t get electrocuted. Comrade Adi told me that too. But in any case, the Minister of the Interior should mention that it is a matter of life, eh? Quiet. That’s how things go; the holidays, because they’ll [unclear] the Academy...” (continued on page 4) THE CHRONICLER

— The people should thank us for stealing from them... 8 million dollars... hell, we could have stolen even more... BECAUSE: “The Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs (this refers to Xhani de Mikelis, editorial note) has stressed that the percentage of aid goods reaching Albania is estimated to be among the highest compared with aid sent to other countries” (Fatos Nano, ‘Zëri i Popullit’, 28.4.1993, p. 1). It was not understood why Mr. Fatos Nano, after the State Audit’s interpellation, took over the Parliamentary rostrum and would not move. Either I speak from the rostrum, or I do not speak at all. Could the reason have been the inherited comfort of the presidency? Could speaking from the Parliamentary presidium have helped Nano avoid becoming so nervous that he lost control—and, more importantly, could it have helped him explain whether the stolen 8 million dollars could be returned to the people? This could not be said until midnight on April 27. But by the morning of April 28, things stood differently. From the ‘ZP’ presidium, Fatos Nano calmly explains that hungry Albanians might have had not just 8 million stolen from them, but as much as the following words indicate: “The Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs sent to other countries.” According to Nano, de Mikelis says that “Albania has been robbed a little.” Half of the aid has been plundered from Albania. This is the smallest amount that could have been stolen, according to Nano, who reflects on (or confuses it with) what the Italian Foreign Minister said. So the message is perfectly clear. Nano says that you should thank us for stealing so little from you. And this “little” is half. But in the statement he gives in ‘ZP’, Nano begins: “I am hearing for the very first time the comments and even the insinuations about the aid issue. Perhaps it really is so.” Yet a few lines later he himself admits: “Regarding the problems and concerns that arose (concerning the aid, editorial note), the government headed by me has taken the necessary steps and recourse with the Italian state authorities.” Then why all this contradiction? Is it because of nervousness? At one point he gets confused and says that de Mikelis says they are (continued on page 4) Rajmond Tufina