The documentation on the communist-socialist rulers’ activities in handling Italian aid in Albania was extensive and painted a clear picture: those responsible had caused many distortions and serious losses. The public, now familiar with all this material and deeply affected and indignant at the monstrous “thefts” amounting to millions of dollars from Italian aid, has ultimately become intensely outraged at the people facing criminal prosecution. In general, Mr. Nano’s justifications are nothing but evidence of guilt, since there is no argument and there are a series of logical explanations that render his defense untenable. At present Nano himself is seeking acquittal. Why should the chain of those responsible and the [?] be broken for Mr. Nano merely because he is the party chairman? If the others had also been party chairmen, then everyone would be defended this way. Italian aid was experienced by the entire population as a sign of respect and humanity on the part of the Italian people, but the humanity of the Punisto-communist rulers has been replaced by cynicism and disregard for the living. Our public is watching the justice system. It is currently a technical error for Mr. Nano to seek support from the public, from his own electorate and beyond. Under no circumstances, and in no current practice for the judicial treatment of political figures, should concessions be made or weakness or delays be shown regarding the ultimate outcome of the case. The justice system of the democratic state is today facing one of its most serious tests: to examine these acts of corruption by the rulers with complete composure, without political emotion, but with the full weight of the law and the truth. We will be measured by how our eyes see the same Italians, how political icons of international stature such as Andreotti and others bow to the law. Our television news and articles from Italian newspapers have shown us that they have put the amnesty seekers in their sights without hesitation. We have also seen that Democratic and Socialist voters and members of their respective parties do not cry out over their leaders’ removal, but obey the law. This is a very serious lesson in combating and attacking the deeply rooted provincial communist ideas of the Albanian Socialists, who defend Mr. Nano by confusing him with their party. The Albanian justice system, which currently has no shortage of men of integrity with a democratic spirit, a clear conscience and freedom from political orders and traps, will, by seeing this process through to the end, enhance its authority and strengthen the hopes of ordinary people that evil will finally be punished and the guilty will get what they deserve. It is precisely for the justice authorities, by making use of their most capable people, to untangle the State Audit material down to every thread and every act that completes the picture of the crime. By dealing with this case, the democratic state’s justice system will at the same time strike at the entire dark seedbed of corruption and evil that is festering in various economic centers; nobody is exempt because they belong to this or that party. Otherwise, people will be deeply disappointed. The democratic institutions of Albania will suffer a serious loss of authority, with consequences that may become a source of new political scenarios, which, as is known, are never in the people’s favor. Our prosecution and investigative authorities are currently faced with the choice between investigating under democratic law and relying on its force. This is what ordinary people are waiting for—people who were denied the right to live when half the aid was stolen from them.

Getting an answer to a question you might ask Fatos Nano, chairman of the Socialist Party, is an extremely difficult undertaking. In fact, to enter the press conference he gives for journalists, you have to pass through artificial corridors set up as if by command by Enverist old men. Nervous, irritated crowds, who could leap at you at any moment; those who let you through do so not because of “proletarian discipline.” Journalists make up a very small part of this press conference. The rest are nostalgics for the past. The most trusted and the fiercest. “Take notes according to the salary you get,” Fatos Nano introduces himself to the journalists. You watch the press conference hoping to learn more of the truth about the accusations made against Fatos Nano in Parliament by the State Audit. You hear the colleagues’ pertinent questions, take out your pen to write down the answers, but... Fatos Nano’s mouth gives nothing in response to the question. Fatos Nano plays with phrases and uses expressions such as “we wouldn’t have had time to deal with this matter” or “the Nano government never undertook to direct the Italian government” (!) He also does not consider the accusation of corruption made by the State Audit to be personal. Does he think he cannot make personal decisions? And when you see him so “self-assured,” it is as if you are looking at Peter Pan or a child who does not want to grow up. But sometimes Fatos Nano really does say something. In keeping with the principle that the best defense is an attack, he accuses the “Berisha-Çela plan” of aiming to discredit him personally. What connection President Berisha has with the State Audit, Fatos Nano does not say. Meanwhile, he has let it be known that Saint Peter is one of his greatest revelations. And then Nano declares that they are appealing to him for the good of the nation. He appeals for the good of the nation, even though few expect any help from him. Nano states in his own words that when he was prime minister he had full knowledge of the type of aid that would arrive, the prices, indeed everything. But he says all of this was in the hands of the Italian side, meaning aid from Italy had to arrive according to “Italian law.” Not only then, but even today, when more than 100 Italian parliamentarians are facing corruption trials, when the Italian people demonstrate in the streets against a parliament that protects Bettino Kraksi, the former chairman of the Italian Socialist Party, accused of corruption, and when Italians themselves now say that they are ashamed to be Italian because of the aid, Fatos Nano does not want to accuse the Italian government because “we won’t fall into such traps to satisfy the anti-Italian lobby in Albania.” Even though some Italian government officials have wanted to do in Albania what they did in Somalia and elsewhere. Nano evades responsibility for his time as prime minister by saying that if they had asked the Italian side for these things, the aid would have been cut off. So Nano thought that a little was better than nothing, or, simply put, with all due respect. “Republika”: In the material presented by Mr. Çela in Parliament, there was not a single word about the Socialist Party. This is simply because, during your time in government, it had not yet been founded. Given this fact, it is unclear why you, Mr. Nano, link the accusation against you solely to the Socialist Party. Fatos Nano: Precisely because, precisely because; I would not want you, too, to shape your relationship with public opinion around a naive choice presented by Mr. Çela. Because the escalation of the latest attacks is also within the framework of the interests of the party you represent, of the diversions of this powerful party, with a stable and growing electorate. Even if this were to happen, they would never reach 3% of the electorate. Thank you. (Frantic applause, whistling in the hall) Note: Although the editors of the newspaper “Republika” were unable to get Mr. Nano’s answer, they are repeating this question once again in the hope of receiving a more precise response.

On 23.4.1993, at the request of the leadership of the Confederation of Trade Unions, a meeting was held with the leadership of PR to discuss the country’s current problems, particularly the activities of trade unions in Albania. At the outset, Mr. Godo asked for clarification about the position of the Confederation of Trade Unions and its subordination. He said that PR’s program emphasized support for trade unions independent of political parties. Does the Confederation consider itself free of such subordination? Because some PS leaders speak of “our union.” Which union is theirs? Mr. Muça stressed that the Confederation is not a party’s fiefdom and that it seeks cooperation with all trade unions and political forces. The Confederation is not calling for the government’s resignation, as the PS did, and this is one of the facts proving that the Confederation is not dependent on the PS. Mr. Muça said that the Confederation supports the Meksi government, but that it must correct its mistakes. The Confederation judges matters according to reality, without asking for “figs on a spit.” The main problem is democratic legislation. Mr. Muça pointed out the serious problems of unemployment and assistance, the strongly partisan policy on appointments, and stressed the need to establish an independent national trade union council. Mr. Godo explained PR’s views on the problems of reform, based on the analysis carried out by the National Council of PRSH. Mr. Godo said that there was a certain conclusion in the presentation of the situation and that it would be good to establish a coordinating council, but this should not infringe on the rights of recognized unions organized by sector. Both sides agreed that an exchange of views is useful. Correspondent of “Republika”

The only positive thing to come from the prolonged crisis in the former Yugoslavia and the West’s failure to stop the war is that the forces and factors obstructing a solution have become increasingly clear. In the diplomatic landscape of the Balkans, Greek diplomacy has now emerged as a major obstacle. In this context, the proposal made in recent days by the Greek leadership for Athens to act as a mediator in discussions on the crisis is truly a diplomatic paradox. On April 28, Greek Prime Minister Micotaqis held a telephone conversation with his Serbian friend Milosheviç about the role the Greek government had undertaken as mediator in the war in Bosnia. On April 26, Greek Foreign Minister Konstantin stated that Miotaqis was acting as a mediator between the West and Serbia and had offered Athens as the venue for the signing of an agreement between the parties to the conflict. Meanwhile, Greece declared itself a mediator without authorization from the European Community or any other international mechanism. Secondly, Greece proclaimed itself a mediator between the European Community and Serbia, and between Serbia and the parties attacked by it in Bosnia. On April 27, a Greek government spokesperson again spoke of the Greek initiative to mediate between the warring parties in Athens. Two elements emerge from the Greek leadership’s statements on mediation: First, Community or any other international mechanism. Second, in Bosnia. The Greek offer to act as mediator in the crisis in Bosnia comes precisely after the UN decided on April 26 to implement Resolution 820, tightening sanctions against Serbia. To serve as a mediator, one must either have the consent of the parties to a conflict or authorization or a mandate from an institution or mechanism such as the UN, the CSB, or the European Community. So far, none of these has given its approval. It follows that Greek diplomacy cannot assume a role it likes but has not been assigned. Nevertheless, since Greek diplomacy is muddying the waters in the Balkans considerably and has negatively influenced information reaching the European Community or the Council of Europe, which are taken hostage by real developments in the Balkans, we consider it appropriate to examine this position. KOSTA TOMORRI (Continued on page 4)

The National Active Committee of the Association of the Expropriated, “Property with Justice,” meeting in Tirana on 11.4.1993, after analyzing the draft law on the return of urban properties and the amendment to the land law, concludes that the draft law on the return of urban properties seriously harms the interests of owners, because through this draft law the government is seeking to transfer a good part of these properties, in one way or another, into the hands of the communist government that stole these properties. The National Active Committee of the Association of the Expropriated, “Property with Justice,” meeting in Tirana on 11.4.1993, after analyzing the draft law on the return of urban properties and the amendment to the land law, concludes that the draft law on the return of urban properties seriously harms the interests of owners, because through this draft law the government is seeking to transfer a good part of these properties, in one way or another, into the hands of the communist government that stole these properties or seized them by mafia methods. On the other hand, the committee strongly emphasizes that compensation for properties stolen through the land would be a subtle fraud by which it will deceive owners into falling into the trap it has prepared, so that the land, this great wealth of our country, too, becomes the property of the communist aristocracy. The above-mentioned land act tramples on the most elementary human rights, such as the right to property. Our government officials speak loudly about these rights, but in practice they trample on them, because where the right to inherited property does not exist, respect for human rights cannot exist. The land law, without trampling on these fundamental human rights, is therefore an illegitimate, communist and antidemocratic law; it is also an anti-national law because, by giving land to the Greek minority and declaring them the owners of Albanian land, it does nothing other than legalize the claims of Greek chauvinism to declare Vorio-Epir as Greek land. At the meeting, the unshakable conviction was declared that in Albania too, the lands will be wrested from the hands of their rightful owners, as has already happened in Bulgaria, Romania, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Germany, Estonia, Poland, etc., where the initial laws were replaced after a short time as antidemocratic laws and were replaced by new laws that established the rights of the rightful owners, as the entire free world demands. Owners, do not accept any compensation. Anyone who accepts compensation may have the government deprive them of the right to the return of their property when the democratic law on the return of properties is passed. This is the trap prepared by the government, and the slightest thing is to fall into this trap. Let no one allow their property to be sold to a domestic or foreign buyer. Properties, as throughout the world, should remain in the hands of their owners—have not the slightest doubt about this. A little patience, and victory will be ours.

Fatos Nano

Director of Albanian Television On April 28, we sent you the statement by the PR Steering Committee concerning the killing of Albanian writers on the border with the former Yugoslavia. At the same time, we also sent you a letter explaining that, in the case of an event of such national importance, it would be irresponsible of you to refuse to broadcast it on the pretext that the television station has certain rules. Nevertheless, you did not broadcast it. We believe that you are acting strangely, without a sense of responsibility and with overt bias. To prove that there was nothing wrong with this statement, we are reproducing it and leaving it to the judgment of readers. Statement by the PRSH Steering Committee The killing of three Albanians within 26 hours by Serbian border patrols is an open and brutal provocation against our country and its nation. This provocation is taking place at a time when the United Nations has imposed further sanctions on Serbia. Millosheviçi is seeking to provoke a conflict with the Albanians in order to divert the world’s attention from Srebrenica and Sarajevo. It is now clear that Millosheviçi will stop at nothing to plunge the Balkans into war. We call on our authorities not to fall into the Serbian trap. At the same time, however, the lives of our citizens must be protected and these provocations condemned. At an urgent meeting, the People’s Assembly and the government must request that this tragic issue be considered by the Security Council and the European Parliament. It must be made clear that Albania will not tolerate killings and terror against our border population. The statement by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, read on public television, was wholly unacceptable. We must not believe that Serbia will become less aggressive if we remain silent; on the contrary, it will take our silence as permission, and its arrogance and violence will increase all the more. How many innocent Albanians have been killed on the border with the former Yugoslavia in the past six months? The mass killings of these two young men show that nothing has changed, except for a protest addressed to the perpetrator of the crime and counter-threats. If you are asking for evidence, it is right before your eyes, recorded in the accounts of groups of witnesses, people massacred at the border, but [?] to have their lives taken. The forceful measures that the Albanian Parliament and Government must undertake are dictated by the need to protect the nation and the people in the region. PRSH Steering Committee Mr. Qemal did not broadcast the statement, but without your explanation, we think you will respond, since before this letter and statement about the killings you too would have taken full responsibility for not broadcasting “the Lord’s letter” [?]. Is anything allowed to be done to innocent people at the border? Is this a good thing for Albanians, or, in this case, why are Albanian citizens not being protected? Your explanation, Mr. [??], shows a “Bashkimi” (continued on page 4) (Continued on page 4)

The madwoman N. of the capital stopped on Saturday at the central September [?], opposite the former Central Committee building, shouting: “Albania’s UDB and the Yugoslav security service are crazy; they will demand an interpellation in parliament. The former colonels of the State Security service, who have taken on new duties as heads of the three human [?] duties, deputies, party secretaries, as well as Aromun and Greek diplomats, have been brought in.” The madwoman N. of the capital stopped on Saturday at the central September [?], opposite the former Central Committee building, shouting: “Albania’s UDB and the Yugoslav security service are crazy; they will demand an interpellation in parliament. The former colonels of the State Security service, who have taken on new duties as heads of the three human [?] duties, deputies, party secretaries, as well as Aromun and Greek diplomats, have been brought in. Andrea is blameless. His entire party has risen to its feet. Either the charges against Andreotti are dropped, or we will destroy Italy. Andreotti’s party is not like Albania’s Socialist Party. All this aid that has supposedly been stolen from the Albanians. Blerin Çela should put them in prison. I will be the judge in the case, but if I only listen to Blerin Çela, I am not told that Fatos Nano and Comrade Ramiz are guilty. If we had all left Fatos alone, I would tell you who is guilty. Meanwhile, as events unfolded on the podium opposite the Prime Minister’s Office, the madwoman N. connected it to herself in the old case. “Over the matter of aid, Comrade Ramiz can be accused of staggering sums,” she announces. Over the matter of aid (through the MPs in parliament, up to…) Pallumb Serveti opened it, shouting also at Mikoni and Shkëljami Canit. Fatos Nano, calmly, says three teeth. But why is Nder Legjisi shouting? At least they could have given him a suit from the aid supplies; even Ajdani Sejda could have given him an old suit, even a used one. Shaban Memia got the deputies organized. Enckia, enckia lu preni [?] Shall I stop, or open up the cries again? I’ll tell Gramoz Ruçi too, wherever you want, Veni paske. You’ll open the prisons and the newspapers for me. I’ve opened some. The Albanian newspapers that speak Greek also speak the first Chinese. Bring Shaban Sinan Ramiz closer. When we say Fatos Nano, we mean the party. When we say the party, we mean Fatos Nano. Over the matter of aid! Some MPs sit around. What are they governing? Gramoz Pashko laughs mockingly at Nder Legjisi, pleading, and at the million and the dream and the torn wife of the people. One is sitting to the side, and Ajdin Sejda is to submit the report surrounded by soldiers. Avdi Sejda will sit [?] in the interrupted parliament. With me there will also be a government that has taken from you and the denials [?]. Avdin Sejda will get it from the bunet [?] and do it with Gramoz Pashko. THE CHRONICLER