ARBEN POPOCI Blue helmets have been deployed in many war zones in the territory of the former Yugoslavia. This is the first time the United Nations forces have been used in this way. It is the first time international forces have been used in areas where peace has not been achieved. It is the first time in the history of these forces that they have been used actively and are directly in the midst of war zones. It is the first time they have been used as the number-one means of imposing political solutions. The lessons that can be drawn from specific cases are these: In Croatia, international forces did not go there to resolve the situation, but to preserve the status quo on the ground and stop the fighting. This resulted in the stabilization of Serbian rule within Croatian territory, meant that any Croatian attempt to liberate this territory was called aggression, and legalized the Serbs’ rights to operate militarily in Croatian territory. Worst of all, they arrived after the Serbs had achieved all their objectives. The deployment of United Nations forces in Bosnia resulted in the continued disappearance of Muslims, complicated the possibility of an air strike against Serbian positions, created the possibility of obstructing British and French policy, enabled the Serbs to blackmail the entire international community and, finally, again legalized Serbian forces and their military actions in a sovereign state. In Macedonia, United Nations forces arrived after politicians sounded the alarm that if the Serbs entered Kosovo they would change the whole Balkans. Their deployment in Macedonia can be understood only in this light: what happens in Kosovo will not spread to other regions. Those forces were deployed without the consent of the “state-forming” Albanians, that is, also to act against any possible movement of theirs. In their plans for Kosovo, both Rugova and Berisha envisage the deployment of United Nations troops in Kosovo. What are the real possibilities of these forces actually being deployed there, however Serbia might react if this demand is brought forward, and what would this bring the Albanians? First of all, Serbia would accept this kind of force only if it came to preserve the status quo, as in the case of Croatia and Bosnia; that is, if the Albanians abandoned their aspirations for independence. Let us suppose that the US forced Serbia to accept these forces. Why would they do so? To create conditions for the Albanians to start a war, of course. With the deployment of large United Nations forces, America would have grounds to paralyze the Serbian air force’s operations over Kosovo, on the grounds that they threatened its forces stationed there; Serbian artillery operations would also be more restricted for the same reasons. This would create conditions in which the war could be fought with lighter weapons, which the Albanians might be able to withstand. Carter’s statement that he does not consider this proposal a good idea says nothing in this regard, because in many cases involving the deployment of these troops, American diplomacy always puts forward conflicting ideas through different officials. An example is Kissinger’s statement criticizing the support the official United States gave to Yeltsin, or the example of a certain Mr. Tcher, who makes very radical statements about Bosnia while Mejxher is digging her grave. The weakness of this plan is that it cannot be implemented quickly. It will take at least a year before the first blue-helmeted soldier sets foot in Kosovo. Serbia will drag out the arrival of United Nations forces for as long as possible, until it has weakened the Albanians as much as it can. The methods of delay are many, ranging from the national composition of those forces, their powers and the type of weapons, to the most formal issues. Throughout this time, Serbia will turn Kosovo into hell, trying to keep the situation constantly changing so that negotiations are always faced with new facts, ultimately leading to delay. After all, all this has happened in Croatia and Bosnia as well. The fact that Mr. Milotaçis also mentioned the possibility of deploying Blue Helmets in Kosovo shows that Serbia has taken this possibility seriously and, for this reason, has also asked the Greeks to raise their voices against the proposal. With the deployment of international forces, Kosovo would gain a great deal because it would become a peacekeeping force and a means for dialogue. Neither the Croats nor the Muslims accepted Serbia as a partner, and United Nations forces did not come; they were merely targets of violence, like the Albanians of Kosovo today. The Albanians would take Serbia into consideration, because they would then be in a position to start a war if they were ignored. However, requesting forces even on the border inside Albania is excessive, serves no one, and does not stop Serbia from causing incidents, because those forces would not be able to establish responsibility at the border. The deployment of peacekeeping troops in Macedonia before they were deployed in Kosovo shows that the US does not consider the danger of war in Kosovo imaginary. What is more, before considering preventing it, it is thinking of containing it.

News Ramiz Alia asks for ... the Bible in prison Former President Ramiz Alia, who has been in Tirana prison since August 19, asked for books to be brought to him, according to highly reliable inside sources. His request was refused under prison regulations, but he could be brought, for example, the Bible if he wished. Alia categorically refused, explaining firmly: “I am an atheist.” Only three days passed before the former first secretary of the Party of Labour (Communist) shouted: “Bring me the Bible”...

Greek soldiers beat and rob Greek-minority members Six members of the Greek minority were beaten and robbed in the village of Kakavijë five days ago. The Albanian Helsinki Committee protests this treatment of Albanian citizens, stressing that it considers the Greek minority in Albania an important factor in friendship between Albania and Greece. The inhuman treatment of Greek-minority members in Albania by the Albanian Greek police comes immediately after statements by Greece’s Foreign Minister, Papakostandinu, on the island of Rhodes at the 14th Conference of Directors of European Institutes for International Relations, where he stressed: “The issue of the Greek minority in Albania is of extremely great importance to Greece.”

George Atanasov, former prime minister of Bulgaria, who headed the country’s last government under dictatorship, is in prison after being sentenced to ten years’ imprisonment for misuse of public funds. The current president of the party and the state has been convicted of abuses involving public funds. Another 21 senior officials will also be tried on the same charge. On the 20th of this month, a meeting of the National Council of the ARP will be held at the National Historical Museum in Tirana at 10:00, where, in addition to the members of this council, all the secretaries and chairpersons of the branch steering councils will take part. At the meeting you will discuss organizational issues, based on the material we have sent you. The forthcoming meetings with the chairpersons of the district branches will not be held.

“The fact that we have decided to join civilized Europe should make us both patient and tolerant” Interview with Mr. ROBERT KOLI • What happened in our country at the beginning of the democratic processes shows me that we came more from a feudal society than from an Eastern European communist society. Were these events a prepared scenario or the incompetence of the President and the Government? • Naturally, everyone understands that the entire economy cannot be privatized, but light-industry and food-industry enterprises must be privatized. • If capital is not entering Albania today as it is in other Eastern countries, the Ministry of Economic Relations with Foreign Countries should bear the main responsibility. • We must ask forgiveness of all those who, because of their convictions or ideas, accepted long and terrible imprisonment—both those who did not have the courage to defend them and those who did not have the courage to raise their voices in defense of their rights. I stand by the idea that reconciliation among the living consists in reconciliation with the dead and in showing the greatest respect to all those who deserve it. On page 4: “Albanian voices must unite into one to serve the Albanian national cause” Interview with former American congressman Xhozef Dioguardi

Aleka Papar[g]la, Secretary General of the Greek Communist Party, told Serbian Prime Minister Sllobodan Millosheviç that she ‘was happy to express to him her support for the struggle of the people of Serbia’. The Serbian prime minister also met Mr. Papandreu, who in turn ‘praised Serbia for its continued efforts to bring stability and peace’. The Serbian prime minister also held meetings with the Greek prime minister, during which the Serb said that the ‘gesture showed understanding in Greece’, emphasizing that Mr. Micotaqis was a good friend of the Serbs and referring to Serbian efforts and views on peace. Also, Mrs. Maria Daman[a]qi, of the coalition party, for her part assured him of her full support. Mrs. Daman[a]qi and Papar[g]la, respectively of the left-wing coalition, had earlier, in a statement, protested against the antidemocratic actions of official Albania, including the arrest of former Prime Minister Nano and the violation of the rights of the Greek minority in Albania.

Interview with former U.S. congressman Xhozef Dioguardi The French news agency AFP has reported in recent days on the visit to Athens by Serbia’s prime minister, Nikola Shainoviç. For more than three days, the head of the Greek government traveled from Thessaloniki to Corfu and from the island of Corfu to Athens. He held meetings with Greece’s prime minister, Micotaqis, with Greek Foreign Minister Papakonstantinu, with the leader of the Socialist Party, Andre[a]s Papandreu, and with other senior Greek politicians. Initially, it was said that Serbian Prime Minister Shainoviç had gone to Greece to attend the inauguration of a museum of the Serbian war effort during the First World War, built by the Greek minister of Serbian Culture in Corfu. Beyond this journey ‘in memoriam’ to the Serbian soldiers killed during the First World War on the war front in Corfu, there are certainly other political and economic reasons that prompted the head of the Serbian government to ... (continues on page 4)

A new municipality waits to govern itself All you have to do is hear the word Dibër and a special place appears in your imagination, with its nine mountains, its somewhat harsh climate and untouched nature. But more than these, what overwhelms you are the cleanliness, order, vitality, and the residents’ desire for progress and peace. It is precisely this tradition that still distinguishes a family or even a village amid the capital, where the multitude of newcomers from all over Albania makes the legendary Tirana seem somewhat distant. About 5–6 kilometers as the crow flies, and around 25 kilometers by road, west of Peshkopi, on the bank of the Drin, a populated area consisting of seven villages begins to rise; it is called Luzni. It is an area of about 6,500 inhabitants, with patriotic traditions, which has always supported the national interest. The name of the patriot Isuf Murrja is mentioned proudly by the residents of Luzni. ‘No vacationer has ever set foot in Luznije,’ says the respected 75-year-old old man Har[...], Uka, son of the nephew of Ali Uka, head of the Luzni municipality from 1924 to 1932. But Luzni’s fate as a municipality did not last long. One of those poor threads from Muhur. ‘A light seems to shine from ...’, then taken from the certificate and may not carry any clearly visible work... [unclear passage]. The most populated village in Luzni is Katundi i Ri, with 1,300 inhabitants or around 200 families. Demir Palluçi, 54, a teacher with higher education, is a well-known figure in this village. He worked as a teacher for 34 years, including seven years in Fushë-Arrëz and many years in Rec, 40 kilometers from Luzni. He is now on early retirement. Demir is one of those who put forward the idea that Luzni should become a municipality of its own. And three months ago, in Lushan, another village in Luzni, 300 men gathered and decided to ask the Government to make Luzni an independent municipality. The residents of Luzni had expressed this wish as far back as July 26, 1992, when they boycotted the local government elections. Demir Palluçi has now accompanied ‘The educational authorities ignored Luzni,’ he says. ‘There have never been study scholarships for the people of Luzni, and this applies to those who taught jahb[a]rsh[i]në. It is true that the school’s material base has not been damaged, but it is still equipped only for a level of schooling as it exists today.’ It is astonishing to think what intellectuals Luzni has when you see this intelligent and energetic old man. ‘With the 3 lek a day that a person from Luzni got back then, it was possible to get by in the cooperative. Now the village has begun to flourish. We have started making use of our resources.’ He also tells me that he has a son employed in Greece, from whom he has not received any income for some time. We also speak at his home with Tefik Damsi, 37, a father of five. He once worked as a brigade leader in the cooperative; now he is unemployed. ‘My wife also worked as a norm-setter, and now she is unemployed too. And still, I say we are better off than before. We have received our land, even though we don’t have much. We have problems with the hospital and clinic, which hardly function at all because they have no equipment; they sell the medicines however they please.’ I ask whether the village has received aid: ‘I haven’t received any, although some may have arrived in the village.’ As we climb toward Hotesh, another village in Luzni with 800 inhabitants, the lack of farmland catches the eye. There are only seven ... one local cabin and three [plots of] corn, but the terrain is steep and irrigation is therefore very difficult. The bread supply here continues to be a problem. The villagers have nowhere to grind even the wheat they grow far from the village. ‘But our land is dry, and there is no water here. Up above we have a lake, but the pipeline is blocked. We have spoken with the Water Directorate in Peshkopi.’ A 17-year-old boy stands beside Xhevdet. ‘For three years the children haven’t been going to school,’ Xhevdet continues. ‘Childbirth is also a problem; most births take place at home. There is a midwife in the village, but she only collects her salary because without equipment she cannot work.’ In Arrapaj, the lack of roads is also noticeable. Halil Sala, 32, has even bought a minibus. As we drink coffee at his home, he tells us: ‘The roads really are bad. Since I pay the road tax, the state should build the road here in the village too.’ We drop in at the home of Asllan Sala, where we receive genuine Dibër hospitality. It is a clean house, and what catches the eye is a ceiling painted light brown, creating such a restful atmosphere. Asllan is not there, but his son Muharrem, 21, welcomes us; he has been working in Greece for several months. He has a six-month-old daughter. I ask whether he will go back to Greece. ‘We’ll see,’ says Muharrem. (continues on page 2) only ... [text cut off at the upper and left edge] (continues on page 2)

In the Sunday news, ATSH publishes a report taken from the BBC, with the note: ‘Broadcast taken from ATSH’.

Kosovo, an Independent Republic Three years have passed since the day the Parliament of Kosovo, forcibly dissolved, declared the Republic of Kosovo an independent and sovereign state. On September 7, 1990, the members of the Parliament of Kosovo, whose building had been occupied by Serbian police, managed to meet secretly in Kaçanik, pursued at every step, and open a new page in the history of the Albanian people and the history of Kosovo. Three years after that meeting, Kosovo is still occupied, but the struggle for final liberation is not being abandoned precisely because the act of the Parliament of Kosovo three years ago is binding and allows no compromise outside the Constitution adopted in Kaçanik. Notice On September 20–21, at 10:00, be held in the hall of the National Historical Museum, Tirana. secretaries and chairpersons of the steering councils of the branches will take part. At the meeting they will discuss

The madwoman N. of Tirana appeared on Tuesday afternoon dressed entirely in black and wandered around the outskirts of Tirana, pulling an old cart horse behind her. On Elbasan Street she had a minor incident with a barefoot person. ‘I am Kleo Latis,’ said the madwoman, ‘I want to go to “M-9”,’ the barefoot one told her. ‘I am Kleo Latis. This horse gives me a garland too. I worked with it at the Central Committee of the Party of Labour. S’do Lazri doesn’t have anyone’s garland. He has often told me that. I’ve heard him; he’s told others too. Ramiz, certainly. But he told Maikom Zego as well.’ ‘Go away,’ the madwoman told him, ‘you’re crazy. I am Kleo Latis. I even have a photograph in the newspaper Albania. This is the most widely circulated newspaper in Albania.’ ‘I protest,’ said the barefoot one. ‘Please, he’s trying to take credit for my work. I am L. Kleo Latis. You can see my hair has fallen out. It fell out while I was serving the Party of Labour. Now I serve the Greek Party of Labour. She says I’m crazy.’ ‘This is a mystery,’ said the madwoman. ‘Not only S[o]lo Lazri and Spiro Dede are a mystery; this one is a mystery too.’ ‘Let me tell you,’ said Kleo Latis, ‘S[o]to Lazri is setting up the foreign commission of Albania’s parties. Shtëlli and Idhje are retiring Solos on the grounds of outstanding merit.’ ‘That isn’t true, Kleos Latis. The horses’ garlands are no good. You must give me the horse. S[o]to Lazri is in prison. There’s no way he could have met either Precat e valentuar or the others. Spiro Dede patted me on the shoulder, and you don’t know this,’ said Kleo Latis, ‘but if Spiro pats you on the shoulder, good fortune leads the way.’ ‘You’ve all gone mad,’ said the madwoman. Osman Shehu hasn’t forgiven me for expressing this in V[...?]t. Osman Shehu described how he wanted to hide the leaps with figs that he was trying to seize. The communists are mad, and so is the madwoman. Why don’t they kill all the political prisoners instead of letting them kill?’ ‘I’m going to ask a question,’ said the madwoman. ‘Did Maikomi really say that intellectuals are of a heretical race?’ ‘I don’t know,’ said Kleo Latis. ‘But I know his race; he has always been a heretic.’ ‘Then he must be an intellectual,’ said the madwoman. ‘A heretic’s business. You can’t tell who uses it, who took the grosh. This Moikomi wants both the use and the grosh. Ekstraktulla! They’ve taken our souls. They put you in prison for hismosgja. It had happened before. Were there prisons?’ ‘Go away, all the way back. Were there prisons? Go away with all the ...? The prisoners of Elbasan are asking for the former head of the court, Mr. ..., to give them a cocktail. The former head has become a lawyer. Long live lawyers and democrats! Sali Berisha has stolen a ton of gold,’ said the madwoman. ‘Please,’ said Kleo Latis, ‘say that once more so I can publish the news in ANA; I’ll give it to the Alliance too, and I’ll give you half the fee.’ ‘Go away, no way,’ said the madwoman. ‘Get out of my sight or I’ll take the horse through Tirana.’ ‘This is also a bit of a Rrelo,’ said Kleo. I told him, ‘There’s no need,’ said the madwoman. ‘This is an old horse, but it can also ...’ In the Sunday news, ATSH publishes a report taken from the BBC, with the note: ‘Broadcast taken from ATSH’. The simple explanation of this act is this: ATSH published a report. The BBC was angry with ATSH and published it. After the BBC broadcast, ATSH published it again. In short, ATSH quotes itself.