“Greece engages in prostitution with Albania,” says “Koha Jonë” People, believe it: this is said by the biggest Greekophile prostitute in Albania. “Greece engages in prostitution with Albania,” says “Koha Jonë.” People, believe it: this is said by the biggest Greekophile prostitute in Albania. It is truly a painful misfortune, the crisis of this category of people—perpetual reptiles in the power that educated them. People who made countless “sacrifices,” even going so far as to embellish their biographies in ridiculous ways, or to accept with the greatest ease the letters of the State Security Service. The new era that arrived was an extraordinary opportunity for these people, too. At least, this era brought the great possibility of no longer crawling. It brought the great possibility of closing the file they themselves had signed. And all this could have been done through work and honesty. At first, it seemed that this really would happen. These people climbed onto podiums, sat at tables, and even became chiefs, directors, or ministers. But then a moment came, and they fell from their chairs. Now they have begun to seek what they lost by other means, just as dishonest as the first ones. I am referring to those who have returned to the newspapers. They have returned temporarily, just long enough to seize power again. But can power be won with nothing but pamphlets and café gossip? In any case, they cannot act differently, since they have nothing else left in their hands. Take a look at their newspapers for a moment. In every issue of the newspaper Koha Jonë, from the first line to the last, the president’s name is bandied about. Their former enemies, as soon as they show a disagreement with the current government, instantly become bosom friends, even though yesterday they were smashing each other’s heads. What is astonishing is that a phenomenon worthy of a banal book also ensnares intellectuals of Qosja’s stature. Qosja, who says he is dedicating his letter to the future of the Albanian nation, finds shelter and gives interviews in the most anti-national newspaper Albania has ever had! “Greece engages in prostitution with Albania,” this newspaper says in one of its issues. It is hard to find a greater humiliation of your own country. [text continues below the image boundary] Still, people, you must believe it, since it is said by the biggest Greekophile prostitute in Albania. The strategy of this newspaper and its sister publications is directed by caricaturists who are experiencing the greatest crisis of their lives. And this is not only a crisis, but also delirium—a delirium that goes as far as madness. Otherwise, how can one explain the fact that Frock Çupi or one of his friends writes about himself in the newspapers, at a time when no one has either the inclination or the time to find out what one or the other is doing, even if he were a god? If you read their newspapers, you learn that everything that has happened and will happen in Albania is bad. This shows that their crisis will be very long. And a long crisis is a bad thing...”

Both presidents greatly appreciated Mr. Rugova’s reception and talks with the Foreign Minister of France, Alen Zhype, the Secretary General of the Council of Europe, Mrs. Lalumier, and Mrs. Miteran. These talks, as well as Mr. Rugova’s earlier talks with the Foreign Minister of Italy, Mr. Andreata, the Foreign Minister of Austria, Mr. Mock, the State Secretary at Germany’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Kastrup, and Mr. Hog, a minister at England’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, clearly demonstrate the high degree of concern the European Union has for the problems of Kosovo. They express the appreciation that the major countries of Europe have for the Kosovo legitimate leadership’s prudent policy, based on peaceful means and methods. Both presidents considered constructive dialogue with the member countries of the European Union and the USA essential for a just resolution of the Kosovo problem. They also value the European Community’s recognition of Macedonia as an important act for the stability of this republic, which will contribute to stability and peace in the southern Balkans, as well as to respect for and guarantees of the human and national rights of Albanians in this republic. ATSH

For the first time in its history, the Radio-Television Song Festival is being enjoyed by 15 million Albanians wherever they may be. This is also because singers and creators from Kosovo, the USA, and the Arbëreshë of Italy are taking part in this festival. Such a festival is held with a nationwide mandate, and as such it will open a new chapter in the success of cultivated Albanian song. Satellite broadcasting of the four nights of this festival is another of its qualities, demonstrating the responsibility and ever-growing demands of songwriters. Conceived as an event of this kind, this festival once again shows the value of Albanian art, which, even under the conditions of an economy in transition, manages not only to survive but also to delight those who follow it. A festival where the well-known names of Albanian music are present, complemented delightfully by new and modern motifs from young creators and singers. And although many today are waiting to see which song will win, one thing is certain: this festival represents another achievement.

Starting in June, the price of bread in Kosovo experienced an increase Starting the day before yesterday, the price of bread in Kosovo rose 100-fold. Today, a 600-gram loaf costs 9 billion dinars, up from 80 million dinars two days ago. This sudden increase in the price of bread, immediately after the suspension of elections in Serbia, and the warning of an across-the-board increase in the prices of other essential goods, will severely hit the standard of living in Kosovo, which is currently at a very low point. Kosovo thus continues to feel increasingly the consequences of the severe crisis that has gripped the former Yugoslavia. Yet it needs substantial funds to finance the military machine and maintain the police apparatus, which currently numbers more than 80,000 people. The People’s Bank of the so-called Yugoslavia put a new 500-billion-dinar banknote into circulation yesterday, worth 8 dollars. November inflation reached 200,000 percent. ASH

. The “Dry Cleaning” shop near “Avni Rrustemi” Square is the property of the Mneri family. The Commission for the Return of Property is returning it to its lawful owners. However, the current user of the premises refuses to vacate it. The municipality and the police are dragging their feet in enforcing the Commission’s decision. The entire building, including the shop on the ground floor, was confiscated in 1948. By decision No. 34 of 1993, the Commission for the Return of Property is returning the whole building, including the shop, to the 25 heirs of the property from the Mneri family. The Commission’s decision is final, meaning it must be enforced within the statutory period of three months. Re-registration of the title, as the official transfer of the property back into the name of the Mneri family, was carried out; the decision was enforced arbitrarily. On the appointed day, the police, the owners, and someone from the municipality who was supposed to carry out the handover of the shop were at the scene. Once again, however, the user of the premises was absent. Yet although the official was supposed to carry out the handover this time by force, without the presence of the current user, he did not do so. There is no legal reason for not enforcing the decision. The owners say that someone at the municipality ordered that the decision not be enforced. The person who had come to enforce the decision disappeared, so nobody could explain the delay. The restored-owner family wants to force its way into its own premises, but the police are there and say that only a person authorized by the Municipality ... [section continues beyond the boundary] may enter the premises by force. The commotion outside the shop is heightened by customers of “Dry Cleaning,” people from embassies who have clothes to collect, and citizens and passers-by. An ordinary property dispute over the rightful owner’s claim turns into the attraction of the day... A. P.

A seminar on the Draft Law on the Return of Ownership of Agricultural Land, submitted by PR, was held in Tirana on December 23. Participants included heads of PR branches in the districts and employees of the PR central office. The seminar was led by PRSH deputy chairman Fatmir Mediu and members of the PR Steering Committee, gentlemen Aleksandër Çina and Alfred Karamuço. PRSH chairman Sabri Godo also attended. The purpose of the seminar was to present the Draft Law, drafted by PR, to interested sections of the population in a well-informed and reasoned manner, raise awareness through publicity, and step up PR’s activities regarding this issue. It was decided to hold an activity in 15 districts of the country concerning the issue of property ownership. In his speech, Mr. Godo stressed that “PR has been fighting for this delicate issue for a long time, convinced that returning properties to their lawful owners will be the country’s only way out of the crisis. In Albania, some people acquired land according to the law, while others made the law themselves. Our Draft Law aims to settle this ‘kontaktdhe’.” Mr. Godo went on to say that the struggle to fulfil this cardinal point of the Republican program would be difficult, but he called on representatives in the districts to have more contact with people in order to make the Republican solution for the agrarian program as widely known as possible. The seminar took the form of discussions and questions and answers about specific articles of the Draft Law prepared by PR, as well as other issues related to the subject. Correspondent of “Republika”

It all began after a letter from the socialist leader, sent from prison to President Berisha and published in “ZP” in the summer of this year. It concerned a so-called “Tirana compromise,” which must have been discussed on the eve of the elections of March 22, 1992. According to what was learned from Nano’s summer letter, a compromise had been reached there whereby, after the elections, the Democrats would take the presidency, leaving the Socialists two ministries; more precisely, Berisha would be president and F. Nano prime minister. After Nano’s letter was published, “revealing” the aforementioned compromise, newspapers of all persuasions covered it in their own way, also offering assessments of the socialist leader’s words. “ZP” also described such a compromise between Nano and President Berisha, as it had been presented. Dr. Mentor Çoku’s name began to be mentioned so often in connection with Trieste that he was presumed to be in Albania. As he spoke about the event, at which he had been present nearby, he was compelled in an interview with the newspaper “Republika” to explain in detail what had been discussed during that night, attended by Berisha, Meksi, Nano and Mentor Çoku himself. Disappointed by Dr. Çoku’s account of the commitments they had planned to secure, also taking into account the Trieste meeting, they continued to insist that Berisha and Meksi, under Dr. Mentor Çoku’s “guidance,” had reached an agreement concerning the post-election government after March 22, while also accusing M. Çoku of “hiding” the truth about that compromise. This denial, and the claims that followed concerning the compromise, could not be ignored in the “Republika” interview’s discussion of the Trieste compromise involving Mentor Çoku, and, moreover, the Democratic government and President Berisha. By including Dr. Çoku as a participant in reaching that compromise—which, to this day, even a year and a half later, has not been confirmed by a single word—those promoting this “compromise” ultimately aim to portray President Berisha as a “violator” of the alleged pact. For that purpose, it would be difficult to find a more credible witness than a figure such as Dr. Mentor Çoku. Dr. Çoku, although exiled from the moment communist dictatorship was established in Albania, has lived and continues to live with the problems, hardships and concerns of his homeland. This is best demonstrated by the fact that his voice on Rome’s “Corso Trieste” and his home have become something of a pilgrimage centre for Albanians, including senior officials who studied in Italy or happen to travel there. In this respect, it is not out of the question that Dr. Çoku, wishing to see his fellow travellers united, may have been willing to tolerate certain things in order to preserve cooperation among the various political forces in Albania when it comes to resolving the national question and other specific problems, which can be addressed only through the joint action of all the parties operating here—but always without diminishing their competition in an honest political struggle with one another. Perhaps someone took this wish, or some advice from the Doctor, as a call or recommendation to form a coalition between those who would take power and those who were relinquishing it. On the other hand, if we refer to the events of that period, we conclude that Berisha had no reason whatsoever to accept a coalition with the Socialists. As is known, just over two months earlier he himself had been the principal figure in the breakup of the coalition government known as the “Government of Stability,” so he could hardly now take a step backwards and abandon what he had put on the table in December 1991. Moreover, he could not have been so forgetful as to overlook that the insistence on keeping the coalition with the Socialists in place was the cause of N. Ceka’s political downfall. A coalition is normally considered in connection with determining election results; discussions are held or efforts made to secure the necessary majority to enable a government to receive a vote of confidence and lead the country during that legislative term. But, first, the Trieste meeting took place before the elections; and, most importantly, given the enthusiasm with which the people welcomed the breakup of the Government of Stability—which had begun to become a gangrene for the Democratic Party itself—and their determination and desire to hold new elections, it was not difficult to understand that Berisha, who had won 5 percent of the votes on March 22, was already set to become the next [text unclear]. Under these circumstances, the DP had no need at all to seek, or even accept, a coalition with the Socialists. It would not only bring it no benefit, but would disappoint a considerable and consolidating segment of its electorate. In addition, for several months the DP had been in a coalition with the PSSH in government. The coalition served only the PS, enabling it to retain a share of its power. This is precisely what emerges from Dr. Mentor Çoku’s own explanation in his interview with “Republika”: according to him, the socialist leader F. Nano proposed the coalition described above, but Berisha replied, “It would be better to discuss this in Albania.” Those newspapers that insisted on the mystery surrounding the Trieste talks would have done better to substantiate their thesis—that Dr. Çoku was concealing the truth—instead of indulging in various conjectures. Who is Mentor Çoku afraid of, if he is supposedly afraid to reveal the truth? It is hard to believe that he might need a ministerial portfolio or some privilege that President Berisha or the Government could provide him. Dr. Çoku also did not live in Albania under communist rule, where he might have been forced to sell his integrity merely to gain an entitlement such as changing the order of precedence of Abdyj, i Farshetrit and Iljaz Pashë Dibres regarding the roles they played in the League of Prizren.

5 years of the Albanian American League p. 3 Arben POPOCI Will the law “On the Return of Property to Former Owners” be applied in the village? p. 2 Prof. Ismet ELEZI Discussions on Law 7501 “On Agricultural Land” p. 2 Nationalists seen as incapable of preventing reforms in Russia p. 4

The newspaper’s editorial staff extends its wishes to all Christian believers [text cut off at the edge of the image]

In the next issue: Is Number One realistic? Interview with Ardian Krasta

The aforementioned N., deeply moved by the lovely Christmas atmosphere and hopeful for an equally lovely Eid celebration in the future, gave their speech some strong moralizing, mysterious overtones, while remaining faithful to their original passion for politics: “I have fallen in love with politics, that is, with the parties, but I could never entrust my feelings to the PS, because I would be left with a witness of questionable paternity. This can go so far that the heirs may turn out to be both left-wing extremists and right-wing extremists at the same time. Then evil fathers will rush in, an alliance or unity will form, and then, alas, alas, the family will not know where to turn. But in the end, a person lives for something. Do the communist-socialists think that the defeated have no morals? How can we have morals, when we refused to become collaborators of the State Security? How can we have morals, when we never accepted the bait offered by Ramiz Alia? Because, you see, the lie I am talking about is character, it is knowledge, and a moment came when they needed us to use as a ferry to Europe. My love for politics is a love of truth. It seems you are still trying to get your hands around my neck, which the former State Security operatives have yet to let go of. What is this behaviour toward former operatives? What kind of love is this—bad love. So there is such a thing as bad love. Merry Christmas! Don’t you notice that the Socialists have become a little too docile? Apparently they are choosing a new chairman. The year ’94 is complicated, and one cannot do without a chairman, naturally, a chairman with normal morals. Goodness, what if we ask for one with a beard too? They are not afraid of prison, since at least they’ll be going in for politics.” The Chronicler