Excerpts from the PPD work report Address by Dr. Aleksandër Çinës, member of the KD of PRSH, to the PPD congress held on February 12–13 in Macedonia Alongside its efforts to establish and consolidate democracy in Albania against the communist system and mentality, and to advance the country’s economy on the basis of free initiative and private property, the Republican Party of Albania has given foremost importance to the national question and to the political awareness of Albanians regarding the unification of the nation. That is why we gladly accepted your invitation to take part in this Congress. We are pleased that the problems of Albanians in the former Yugoslavia are becoming increasingly prominent and better known, both at home and abroad. Your party also deserves special credit for this. This is also because your efforts to realize the aspirations and rights of Albanians in Macedonia have been carried out on difficult ground, in the situation created after the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia and the fall of communism, to accompany with an act of The Party for Democratic Prosperity was formed as part of the long-standing resistance of various activists against barbarism, assimilation, repression, and policies intended to force emigration, continuing the successful efforts of patriots to raise the national and political consciousness of Albanians in these regions. Did the PPD at least succeed in optimizing Albanians’ interests in the political, educational, economic, informational, cultural, sporting and security spheres, or did Albanians become an equal and unquestionable subject in Macedonia, both in its internal and external dimensions? If we analyze the internal dimension, today Albanians have ceremonial rights, while under the new constitution they have the status of a minority. On the other hand, in municipal assemblies, where they hold the advantage, they can decide only on peripheral matters; thus the entire political potential of the Albanians was poured into this, and trapped in the cunning snare of the projection by which Macedonia is being built as a monotheistic state. In Macedonia’s foreign policy, Albanians do not even appear as a factor to be consulted. They are ignored and treated neither as a stabilizing nor as a destabilizing element in Macedonia. Information in the Albanian language is a mixture of official news dissemination and the kitsch of disinformation. If we examine the economic sphere, we can observe a national typification, a characteristic inherited from the past. Their percentage in the structure of those employed in the state sector, especially at decision-making levels, is drastically below their percentage in the structure of all those employed in Macedonia. Through a permanent policy of marginalization, they have been directed toward the private sector and service activities. If Albania has begun to... This is also so the Albanians of Macedonia have unfolded on difficult ground, in a situation created after the disintegration of former Yugoslavia and the fall of communism, but accompanied by the actions of unbridled nationalism, particularly against Albanians in the Balkans. With its program and actions, PPD has established itself as a modern democratic party that fights for the national and political awareness of Albanians in Macedonia, for civic democracy, national equality, and a market economy. Likewise, through its commitment to advancing the position of Albanians in Macedonia and its embrace of the idea that the destinies of Albanians in the lands of former Yugoslavia are intertwined, PPD cooperates with other political parties that share the same national aspirations. However, as you yourselves acknowledge, Albanians have not yet become an equal and undisputed subject in Macedonia, and therefore great and difficult tasks lie ahead for PPD: using the means of legal political action within the pluralist system to achieve its noble goal on behalf of Albanians. For this reason, and because of several current circumstances of great importance to Albanians in Macedonia and to the entire Albanian nation in [?] figured in political, [?], economic, informational, cultural, sporting, and security fascism, or have Albanians become an equal and undisputed subject in Macedonia, both in the today Albanians, as in the past, cannot influence systemic issues in the structure of the state or their position within the system. The political decisions of others have been centralized; the municipalities have been [?]- as a whole, the convergence of all efforts by all progressive forces, regardless of party affiliation or the particular features of their programs. I think our actions should be guided by the sacred idea of Albanian national identity; therefore, divergences within the party, which could have undesirable consequences, must be overcome with great mutual tolerance. We came here with the duty of a political force from the democratic wing of Albania to become better acquainted with your party and to strengthen mutual ties for the benefit of democracy, the Albanian cause, and stability in the troubled region of the Balkans. Therefore, we would be very pleased if this PPD Congress were to emerge united and more consolidated. We wish the proceedings of this congress every success!

The stolen epitaph of Glavinica — read on page 3

On February 8, the media reported the decision of the organs of the Serbian occupying power in Kosovo to seize the building of the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Kosovo and various assets established legally under a special Kosovo law in 1978, has gained unquestionable authority nationally and internationally through scientific studies on problems of the history, ethnography and arts of Kosovo has been a cultural link between Albanians of the old and recent diaspora, among themselves and with the outside world, during the self-isolation of the Albanian state under the communist dictatorship. During this period of

On February 8, the media reported the decision of the organs of the Serbian occupying power in Kosovo to seize the building of the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Kosovo and various assets essential to the institution’s activities. This act is a continuation of the daily campaign against the indigenous Albanian population, which is being subjected not only to violations of its most basic human rights, but also to an intolerable degree of actual genocide and ethnic cleansing. Kosovo and various assets essential to the institution’s activities. This act is a continuation of the daily campaign against the indigenous Albanian population, which is being subjected not only to violations of its most basic human rights, but also to an intolerable degree of actual genocide and ethnic cleansing. Afraid that it cannot quickly achieve its stated aims in full, the Serbian occupying power is trying to strike at what it considers most dangerous to it: Albanian culture, schools and art in Kosovo. This campaign includes, in particular, obstructing the activities of the Academy of Sciences and Arts as an institution of primary importance. It is well known that this Academy, legally established by a special Kosovo law in April studies on issues of history, ethnography, linguistics, literature, demography and other fields of culture, science and art related to the indigenous Albanian population in Kosovo and in other regions of the former Yugoslavia. There is no doubt that the Serbian occupying power is using every means to obstruct the activities of this Academy, this leading institution that works and fights courageously, confronting fierce efforts to make Albanians aware of their indigenous roots and national identity, their outstanding historical heritage, their contribution to Balkan and European culture, and to the defense of the civilization of the Western world. We must not forget that the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Kosovo served as a center for cultural ties among Albanians of the old and recent diaspora, and between them and under the communist dictatorship. In this difficult historical period, when the destinies of the entire Albanian nation—unjustly divided and fragmented—may be finally determined, it is the duty of the competent government bodies, associations, intellectuals and ordinary people to raise their voices by all lawful means and in all international and national forums to stop the cultural genocide threatening the future of the Albanian nation in Kosovo and beyond. Let us demand, people, that the Academy of Sciences and Arts of Kosovo not be touched. Prof. SELAUDIN BEKTESHI Member of the Academy of Sciences of Albania

Quite unexpectedly, an article by Mr. Nexhmedin Spahiu entitled “What should be changed so that we may become national” sparked a discussion, which included some rather harsh reactions in judging it. Such reactions to the article stemmed more from the way it was presented than from its content, with even an ill-chosen example standing out. Are Albanians leaving, or have they left? This is the most debatable issue in the articles published in connection with Mr. N. Spahiu’s article. The truth is that in recent years we have been witnessing Albanians leaving, or wanting to leave, on both sides of the border. In Albania, this is the result of the extreme poverty into which the communist dictatorship drove Albanians, and the impossibility of quickly achieving a sound recovery and the greatest possible growth for Albanians in this period of transformations, which has been called “transition.” In Kosovo, the intensification of Serbian displacement, violence and terror against the Albanian population, the grave economic situation throughout Serbia, and the war being waged in Bosnia have made it difficult for Albanians to live normally in Kosovo. Therefore, since a large number of Albanians have been dismissed from their jobs, some fear the Serbian police and army, some [text unclear] in the Serbian army, and some need to support their families, we have seen a considerable number of Albanians leave Kosovo for Europe in just the past few years. A departure of this kind, naturally, cannot be described as a weakness of a nation—in this case, of the Albanians. This is a “departure” in order to survive, to secure a better future than the one offered by remaining in one’s homeland. What would we say about the Italians, who form the largest community in the United States? And what about the Greeks in the United States, whose number is almost half that of the Greeks living in Greece itself? What about the several million Turks working in Germany and other European countries? After all, do Serbian communities not exist outside the former Yugoslavia? Furthermore, the fact that Albanians exist today and that people speak of an Albanian question in Kosovo, Macedonia or another country shows that Albanians, despite the violence and terror inflicted on them—and not excluding barbaric crimes—and despite colonization and plans for their displacement, have not abandoned their lands. For this, I would give primary importance not to national education but to the instinct of legitimate self-defense—a defense that, starting with oneself, extends to property and other material goods, which are “humanized” by our need for and attachment to them, such as the home, land and trade. This instinct also acts immediately when it comes to things to which we have ties or obligations, such as family and social circle, and finally the Homeland and the Nation. But laws also imposed a strong bond with their land on Albanians and governed their lives. Let us recall the famous Kanun of Lekë Dukagjini. Thus, without going too far back through the centuries, but merely focusing on the previous century, we can mention the resistance of the Albanians, who did not accept the decisions of the Congress of Berlin: they not only refused to leave their lands, but defended Plavë, Gucinë and Malësia e Madhe with their blood, refusing to yield them to Montenegro; later, they compelled the Great Powers to send an international fleet to make them surrender Ulqini. When forced to face foreign occupation, rather than abandon their lands, Albanians often preferred to serve the foreigner while preserving their dignity. Thus we have well-known examples of Albanians who reached the highest ranks of the Ottoman Empire. Nevertheless, at certain moments there were also mass exoduses, such as that of Kosovo during 1912–1913, when people came to Albania to escape Serbian genocide; likewise, the mass flight of people from Dibër, not forgetting the exodus of the Çam, driven by the monstrous crimes of the Greeks. These events, as well as the organized displacement of Albanians from Yugoslavia and Greece to Turkey, under agreements between the governments of those countries and the Turkish government, still cannot be taken as evidence of weakness in the Albanian nation or of a lack of national feeling. Likewise, a large part of the Albanians had no support from a Slavo-Orthodox Russia, a France interested in creating a state with anti-Austrian tendencies, or an England that supported Greece in its Balkan policy. In this context, we must also remember the fatal outcome of both world wars: those who were interested in the existence of an Albanian state encompassing all Albanians lost. “Something must be changed in our national education” is the idea Mr. Spahiu sought to convey in his article. In this regard, considering what the Albanian nation has experienced over the past half-century—or, to be more precise—we should not speak of a change in national education, since it did not exist during this period. Instead of being nurtured with national sentiment, Albanians in Albania were dominated by so-called “proletarian internationalism.” Gavrosh Levojnja (Continued on page 2)

The news that crazy N. no longer appears in public alone was confirmed by numerous sources close to her. Her companion, a speaker of several languages who might have been 20, but might also have been 50, spoke impeccable literary Albanian. His tone was higher, but also sharp. Until last night, the reason why crazy N. did not wish to communicate with her interlocutors in her mother tongue was unknown. In every setting where she was taken aback, she spoke analytically and often interrupted the interpreter, saying: “I want to clarify something.” Wednesday’s speech (translated in its entirety) brought nothing new to the capital’s press. “I decided to speak in a foreign language because I’m not being understood in Albanian,” said crazy N. “There are several reasons for this. Things are happening that haven’t happened since the time people got the idea to write. The press is publishing open letters under pseudonyms: there is a hidden desire to keep the unfortunate people in prison simply to sell newspapers. I’ve just learned that if Fatos Nano gets out of prison, ZP will fight to put Namiku inside. Namik Dokle or some other ‘Namik.’ This could happen soon because the ‘Nano Affair’ has been used up, and they are feeding it with a trizhrin of ZP. All these actions are moral because they are carried out in the name of the market economy, in the name of the framework for the further development of parliamentary democracy. Be patient for another 16 years. Then we’ll enter the third exile. The despairing chairpersons for the PS will be comrade Namik Hoti and comrade Idajet Beqiri. Leadership by co-chairs will further strengthen unity. Long live the steel unity of party and people!” The Chronicler

When pain is maturity p. 3 If peace is to become reality in 1977… p. 4 What happened de facto here in Kukës, we hope will also happen de jure in Parliament p. 2 The West, not God p. 3