The day after tomorrow, Fatos Nano will take the accused’s seat. The charge is simple, almost ordinary: “misuse and embezzlement of large sums.” So Fatos Nano, twice a former prime minister, will stand trial. In short, we will have a powerful interlude between the major ordinary trial of the bloc leaders. But does Fatos Nano want a political trial? Absolutely not, because such a trial would place Enver Hoxha on his shoulders; it would lay all his crimes on him. Fatos Nano brought Enver Hoxha’s party into the present day. Not even the sharp mind of Ramiz Alia could manage to do that. This is his achievement and, at the same time, his great political crime. Today it does not matter why Fatos Nano did this. Whether he did it for personal power or out of principle. What matters is to say that he brought the party of crime into the new era as well. Even if there were to be a political trial, this crime would be the first for which he would have to answer. But why are Fatos Nano and his party playing the political-trial card? First, because it is the best way to hide from the real indictment. Second, by declaring himself a political persecuted person, Fatos Nano seeks to sow, especially among foreigners, the idea of a revanche and revenge. But what will Fatos Nano’s trial really be? A powerful interlude between the ordinary trial of the bloc leaders. This trial may also be considered political, because in the 50-year-old party, treason, corruption, theft and deception were all intertwined with what was called politics. Today, this crime cannot be divided into parts. In any case, this trial will be an ordinary one. There are plenty of cases in which people who have played a role in politics, even high politics, have been convicted in entirely ordinary ways.

Serbo-Montenegrin Yugoslavia today… What about tomorrow? Gavrosh LEVONJA

Within three years Over a period of nearly 3 years, the Albanian political spectrum was enriched with around 30 political parties and more than 80 political and non-political associations. The trade union movement in Albania as well, which will be followed by another 6 parties that, according to a specialist at the Ministry of “Justice,” have submitted their programmes and statutes for approval. However, the majori-

The Serbian chauvinist policy of cultural genocide knows no restraint in its actions or in its savage and primitive anti-Albanian methods. Another barbaric act by the Serbian occupier was committed in Kosovo in recent days. The Kosovo Academy of Sciences was shut down by police force, and the Albanological Institute in Prishtina is expected to suffer the same fate. The Forum of Independent Albanian Intellectuals learned with deep indignation of these inhumane actions aimed at eliminating the intellectual forces and values of the Albanian people of Kosovo. In protesting energetically against this anti-democratic act, Albanian intellectuals call on all intellectuals of Europe to raise their voices in defence of their colleagues, victims of the primitive Greater Serbian concepts and policy. We call on the political forces

Berisha and Tuxhman before the press “Great opportunities and broad prospects are emerging between Albania and Croatia. This is beneficial not only for the two peoples, but is also a contribution to the regional integration process, because we must emphasize that such a policy is essential for the Balkans.” This is what President Berisha said during the press conference with his Croatian counterpart, Franjo Tuxhman. “We are in agreement, Berisha continued, that we should expand bilateral relations in the political, economic and technical fields, tourism, education and other areas.” President Berisha also said that Croatia is a state that has been aggressed against and that, in this case, the aggressor is Serbia. We support efforts to resolve the problem of Bosnia within the framework of a Muslim-Croat federation or confederation, seeing this not only as an alternative that could bring peace, but also as a solution with long-term stabilizing effects in the region. President Tuxhman said in turn: “I was pleased to inform our hosts, President Berisha and Prime Minister Meksi, that the European Community and the United States have taken decisive steps to put an end to the crisis in Bosnia-Herzegovina, including through finding a political solution. In any case,” President Tuxhman concluded, “our visit here has been very fruitful in getting to know a friendly country, Albania.” “Republika” correspondent

Gavrosh LEVONJA Will the truncated Serbo-Montenegrin Yugoslavia survive? Now, as it lies in the grip of the embargo, confronted with extremely difficult economic problems, and as nationalist tendencies have also begun to come to the fore—embodied, on the one hand, by Serbian unitarists and, on the other, by those who seek an independent Montenegro while preserving its national identity—the existence of this federation has begun to be called into question. The question above is being asked with increasing insistence both outside what remains of the former Yugoslavia and within it, in Belgrade and Podgorica. Several months ago, Belgrade proposed abolishing the republican Ministries of Foreign Affairs, Defence and Cooperation with Foreign Countries, a move opposed by the government and other political forces in Montenegro, since it would constitute a step towards the dissolution of the Montenegrin state. Likewise, in Belgrade the anniversary of Njegosh, a symbol of the Montenegrin nation, is celebrated. This action was described as an open provocation that infringed upon the Montenegrin nation, and thus provoked numerous reactions, giving rise to the growth and strengthening of national sentiment in this republic. A short time ago, a paper by the Serbian academic Miodrag Joviçić appeared in Belgrade. According to it, today’s Yugoslavia should be divided into autonomous provinces, in which both Serbia and Montenegro would lose their attributes (continued on page 4)

Over a period of nearly 3 years, the spectrum of Albanian politics was enriched with around 30 political parties and more than 80 political and non-political associations. Over a period of nearly 3 years, the spectrum of Albanian politics 80 political and non-political associations. Over the same period, the trade union movement also significantly expanded its range, establishing around 25 trade unions. According to statistics from the office of political parties and associations at the Ministry of Justice, only one political party was established in 1990, the Albanian Democratic Party. Just about a month later, in 1991, the names of a further 17 political parties were added to the spectrum of Albanian politics, such as PE, PR, PA, PUK, PSD, PS, etc. Another 6 political parties in 1992 and just 4 in 1993 brought the number of parties in Albanian political life to 27. They will be followed by a further 6 parties which, submitted their programs and statutes for approval. However, it has not yet been decided whether they will be approved by the Ministry of Justice or by the Tirana District Court, under a draft law on this issue approved by the Government several days ago. According to the records held by this office, all the parties, associations and trade unions established by the end of 1993 have been issued licenses to publish their own press. Including the licenses issued to private press publishers, the number of newspapers and magazines being published or authorized for publication reaches 330. N. GJINI

...opposed to this anti-democratic act, they call on all the intellectuals of Europe to raise their voices in defense of their colleagues, victims of the primitive concepts and policies of Greater Serbia. They call on the political forces of Democratic Europe not to allow such acts, and to thwart the dark chauvinist forces that destroy the culture and the true values of peoples. We trust that their voices will soon be heard and, convinced that wherever the democratic culture of one people takes flight, all the cultures of peoples struggle together, we condemn such policies, which destroy the shared ideals of all freedom-loving peoples. The Muslims and Croats of Bosnia, after four days of talks in Washington, in the presence of US Secretary of State Kristofer, signed the agreement on Tuesday evening to establish the Muslim-Croat Confederation of Bosnia. It will be a Swiss-style confederation of cantons. The agreement was signed by Bosnian Prime Minister Silaixhiç, Foreign Minister Graniç and Bosnian leader zuback. This agreement guarantees all refugees and displaced persons the right to return to their homes and the right to the return of property taken during the ethnic cleansings. But success is still not guaranteed until the Serbs’ position on this issue is clearly defined. Perhaps Russian diplomacy is expected to exert some influence in this regard, as it surely seeks its share in the Balkans. And Tuzla airport, blockaded by the Serbs, was opened precisely through Russian intervention.

The fall of communism is like the fall of the Roman Empire, while building the New World requires the effort and exertion that the creation of Christian Europe demanded... VACLAV HAVEL In the opening part of this article, we spoke about the Havel-Brodskij debate as well as Havel’s definition of “post-communist anxiety.” Undoubtedly, one of the factors that influence and fuel this “anxiety” is the press, when it assumes a repressive function. In an attempt to offer some analysis of this, I will use as a reference the title of an article by Zija Çela, published recently in the newspaper Drita: “The state and the press in a repressive role?!”. For the sake of an apt variation, the sophisticated journalist uses the coordinating conjunction “and”; otherwise, the title could read: “The state in a repressive role and the press in a repressive role.” This raises the question: when are the state and the press playing a repressive role?! The state plays a repressive role when it uses its entire machinery for repression, when it controls everything, denies every kind of freedom, silences every kind of voice and every kind of newspaper; when it imprisons incessantly, buries incessantly, executes, deports, stigmatizes, installs its spies in workplaces, schools and residential areas; when all the newspapers repeat what it orders and compels them to say, when newspaper editors-in-chief and journalists would spend the night in printing houses if they failed to hurry over some dot or comma that could cost them not only their beards and moustaches, but their heads as well. And if we have forgotten what state repression means, despite our great regret at our forgetfulness, let us look at Kosovo—or, better still, let us remember the 50-year repression of the Albanian communist state. The press, meanwhile, assumes a repressive role (pardon me for the expression) when it insults, spits, vomits, wipes its nose without a handkerchief—when it becomes a mirror of the denigration of public figures, of the depersonalization of people, when it reflects hideous crime and punishment, when it is aggressive and an aggressor, when it makes both the murderer and the murdered person victims of its own politics, when... But what is the opportune moment for it to play this role? In a dictatorial state, it is one of the state’s cogs, while in a pluralistic and pluralist democracy it is always a reflection of an extreme political stance. In a consolidated state it may play no role, whereas in a democracy taking its first steps, certainly a stumble at the very outset causes chaos and instability, expanding the scope of “post-communist anxiety.” This “advantage” is perfectly clear to this kind of press, and so, with “subtle” reasoning, it grows ever more aggressive day by day. In Albania it serves only one purpose: to perpetuate chaos until governments are replaced and they come to power. But their governments are not like the governments that come and go in Italy! In his latest interview, economist and journalist Mitro Çela repeats the formula for being a “good child” of the International Monetary Fund, like the “Four Dragons” of Southeast Asia. Mitro Çela also emphasizes that the formula for success according to the IMF model presupposes, first and foremost, “stability and social peace among the parties”; to illustrate this, he mentions the “bogeyman” that inevitably appears if this is not achieved. In this regard, he cites the reform’s negative turn in Poland after the left-wing forces returned to power. In conclusion, repeating John Kennedy’s dictum that “nowhere in the world does pure, unblemished democracy exist,” because such a laboratory democracy would not have outlawed the Communist Party in America—which, had it not been done, would have had bitter consequences reflected not only on the American continent. This makes it essential and necessary in Albania, too, for the democratic state to intervene through its democratic “catalysts,” so that it can exert a strong influence in neutralizing such “acid” reactions, which would first and foremost bring the bitterest consequences upon the Albanian people themselves. ELIDA BUÇPAPAJ

On Monday and Tuesday, the aforementioned N was not seen anywhere in the capital all day. Numerous witnesses said that she had appeared on all the streets and alleyways of Tirana late at night, causing panic and terror. The accounts must have been true, because on Tuesday morning Tirana awoke to slogans painted in green on the walls. Some of these slogans said: “Long live Serbian aviation,” “Down with the USSR Constitution,” “Down with new elections,” “Long live Vorioepiri.” At midday on Tuesday, legal experts confirmed that the green paint used for these slogans was the same as the paint used for the slogan “Iran fatos Nanon.” When asked by the cursarët why the same color had been used, the aforementioned woman replied that it was simply a way of identifying Namik Hoti’s Party. By using this paint, one also discredited Namik Hoti and made Fatos Nano look serious. Recently, the writings of the distinguished intellectual Neritan Ceka have also become more vehement. These articles indicate that we will once again have a government of stability and that Mr. Ceka will hold the post of Foreign Minister. In this government cabinet, besides the foreign affairs portfolio, the Partia e Grawë would also put forward two ministers, respectively for the defense and internal order portfolios. Namik Dokle’s new pseudonym in “Zëri i Popullit” is not Toreador, but this does not fit with his great desire and ambition to become a toreador. He wants this after the bull defeats the toreador. After that, everything will be peaceful, because he can enter the arena only when there is no bull. Next week, R. Alia’s regjia will open. Members are advised to report to Tirana Prison on Monday at 10:00 to receive the necessary instructions. KRONIKANI

Athens, Macedonia, Albania p.3 A show of strength that will bring peace p.4