Three foreign ministers in Albania within three days Two European foreign ministers and one from the Balkans arrived in Tirana in quick succession. While Berisha has set off for Great Britain, it can no longer be said that foreign policy is made by him alone. Sherqi and the Albanian side are increasingly appearing as parties in their own right. There is no sign of inferiority in their attitude toward their counterparts, one of whom had just handed over the leadership of the European Community, while the other would take over the rotating presidency from Greece a few months later. Even more important is the fact that Albanian foreign policy is becoming a party to affairs in the Balkans. Now one must definitely come to Tirana. Albania has been valued as a factor of stability in the Balkans, an attribute which, incomprehensibly, has been bestowed on it in this region. Taking this characterization further, our colleague Apollon Baçe, in “Dita Informacion,” also notes that Bukoshi is at the American Capitol. Albanian diplomacy is to be found everywhere, while undoubtedly being first and foremost in Tirana. What makes “coming to Tirana a must” is precisely the fact that Albanians are everywhere in the Balkans. Macedonia alone is a miniature Balkans, with a plurinational population, but it does not have the quality of Albanians being present in a Balkan state. The Balkans cannot be pacified without respecting the rights of the Albanians. At last European diplomacy—and, inevitably, Balkan politics too—is making an effort to understand this historical and moral fact. Serbi stated clearly that, for the Albanian side, restoring Kosovo to the rights it had in 1974 would be the minimum requirement for Albanian dialogue. And the outcome, naturally, will be determined by what the parties put on the table. What matters is that Albania and the Albanians seek by every means to prevent the old European alliances in the Balkans from being repeated. They must not be allowed to play out at the expense of the Albanians. Naturally, it is good that Europe has abandoned its hesitant stance and embraced the Albanians’ peaceful attitude and spirit of dialogue, but the Albanians must not allow themselves to be the losers because of this moderation. The prospects no longer seem as difficult as they once did, and Albanian diplomacy is undoubtedly playing an active and positive role here. Its openness to the West and, at the same time, its use of the East as political pressure are finally being heard. Inferiority is giving way to confidence. At last, Europe is becoming more attentive.

“These are not my final words,” Fatos Nano said at yesterday’s hearing, the final day of his trial, before the Court withdrew to deliver its sentence. It has happened more than once that, before a trial, before torturers and executioners about to take someone’s life, before ordinary or intellectual judges, in dictatorial or democratic systems, many people have appeared who, with their final words, have struck down death, denounced crime, and defended a man’s honor, often becoming immortal. There have been many such cases, but more often than not “the final words” have been commonplace, crippled words: the words of those who grovel and plead for mercy; the arrogant words of braggarts who, to overcome their fear, have gone so far as to utter absurdities. “These are not my final words,” said Fatos Nano, but, contrary to this pompous declaration, a few moments later he did nothing other than deliver his final words. It is important to emphasize that, at yesterday’s hearings, Fatos Nano and his two lawyers had decided to speak. This sudden change of course is explained by the weeklong visit that lawyer Sanxhaku made to France. There, he must surely have left the European parliamentarians speechless by explaining that he had conducted his client’s defense through silence(?!!) But what were Fatos Nano’s final words? What did he say to the Prosecution and the Court? And, ultimately, what did he tell the people and the members of the Socialist Party about his guilt, independence, or innocence? With the style of a bad comic actor, and the ability to say only words and never sentences, Fatos Nano did not address the charge, not even for a single moment. Playing the role of an ordinary schemer and gossip, he gave the biographies of the Court, the Prosecution, and even today’s government officials, both minor and important. The examples he gave were so naive and ridiculous that no one would have been surprised if he had declared that the head of the Court, Bendo, had stolen plums from his neighbor’s garden as a child. “The Court, the Prosecution and those above them are communists through and through,” he said, among other things, then offering the Prosecution and the Court training courses abroad(!). Fatos Nano’s final words were so responsible that, toward the end, he seems to have confused himself with the UN mercenaries. “The logic of civil war,” he continued, with another delusion: “After my sentencing, an official announcement will be made for early elections...” With the repetition of the despairing words “these are not my final words,” Fatos Nano’s final statement came to an end, to be followed by the morning of April 3, when the Court will announce its verdict. Photo: Armando Babani Former Prime Minister Nano during yesterday’s court hearing

Berlusconi is to form the new government Goodbye, old Parliament. Goodbye, Democratic and Socialist Parties. On Monday, Italians voted for the right in their general election. And according to the results of the voting held from Sunday to Monday, the parliamentary coalition won with the victory of December 6, 1993. Goodbye, Democratic Party; goodbye, Socialist Party. Despite their limited support, the coalition was formed only three months ago and is led by billionaire entrepreneur Silvio Berlusconi, together with the Lega Nord, led by Umberto Bossi, and Alleanza Nazionale (MSI), led by Gianfranco Fini. Of the 315 seats in the Italian Senate (or the upper house of Parliament), 155 will go to right-wing senators, while Polo Progressista, representing the left-wing coalition of the PDS (Democratic Party of the Left) and Rifondazione Comunista, will have 122 seats. Thirty-one Senate seats will go to the other parties; the centrist front led by Mario Segni, which has gathered around 13.5%, [text unclear] Christian Democrats and former Socialists. In fact, Segni, son of former President Antonio Segni, had the distinction of organizing the referendum that determined reform of the electoral system well in advance. But in the March 27–28 elections Segni failed to win even in Sassari, his birthplace, and managed to secure a seat in Parliament only thanks to proportional representation. Meanwhile, the right has a majority in the Chamber of Deputies. Of the 630 seats, 355 belong to the right. The new government is able to give Italians the proper governance, as President Scalfaro puts it. And it is up to Silvio Berlusconi to form the new government. “I hope that we can take on the responsibility of leading the new Italy,” he says, because “the new government will be based on democracy and a free life.” (From the text in the image: “This Parliament is able to give Italians the proper governance,” President Scalfaro said. And it is up to Silvio Berlusconi to form the new government. “I hope that we can take on the responsibility of leading the new Italy,” he says, because the new government will be based on democracy and a free life.) Under Berlusconi and the Lega Nord in Italy, as leaders of Alleanza Nazionale (MSI), led by Gianfranco Fini. Of the 315 seats in the Italian Senate, 155 will go to right-wing senators, while Polo Progressista, representing the left-wing coalition of the PDS and Rifondazione Comunista, will have 122 seats.

Albanians of the diaspora—victims and witnesses ELIDA BUCAPAJ At Ljubljana airport we will wait four hours to board the Slovenian airline Adria Airways flight that will take us back to Albania. When you are a few days away from events, an explanation of the kind provided by the mass media, in a well-known Albanian newspaper such as “Rilindja,” is a wonder when it comes into your hands. This is Kosovo’s “Rilindja,” published in Solingen, Switzerland, the sister paper of the “Rilindja” published in Tirana. It was brought to this airport by two Albanians living in Germany, who had come to visit their mother country for the first time. “Rilindja,” printed in Solingen, is intended for distribution throughout Western Europe, as far as the USA. So much the better, then, when we are talking about a newspaper that is both informative and conveys a pan-national policy. But! This adversative conjunction came as a result of an article published in the “Echo” section of this newspaper, in its March issue. Among other things, the article begins with the author writing: “These are not my final words,” Fatos Nano’s final statement came to an end, to be followed by the morning of April 3, when the Court will announce its verdict. Albania is open to the world. There is nothing wrong with that. The question is whether certain criteria should be applied to this openness, first and foremost criteria that preserve the national identity of the language of the nation left beyond the border and outside the mother country. (The parenthetical remark was added by me.) And it is precisely this indirect accusation that the newspaper bases on three facts, two of which it has taken from foreign news sources: Serb! The facts are these: first, “because the Bosniaks of Shkodra [text unclear] with the Bosniaks of Montenegro—that is, symbolically, the Bosniaks of Shkodra beat the Bosniaks of Montenegro”; second, “because the Albanian Sports Federation photographed a Balkan football conference with the Sports Federation of ‘Yugoslavia’”; and third, “because the Albanian social democrats from Albania met in Nicosia with young Serbian socialists?” In presenting this information, the article’s author adds “that the accuracy of the news coming from Serbian information sources is unclear.”

You should be absent 4 centuries, Mr. Tozaj 1.2 $1.5 billion in the Russian chaos 1.4

The madwoman N of the capital, on Monday morning, spent 1 morning [text unclear] on the road, spreading an unverified piece of news. Taking one of E. Hoxha’s works out of her bag, she began delivering her usual lecture. “This is the secret file that proves Nano’s innocence. They wouldn’t let me present it today before the court, [text unclear] to have her presentation before the public. Here are the [text unclear] constructed against [text unclear], thrown against our true leadership. But we will forgive all the workers knowingly. My party and Nano’s will not persecute anyone for their economic beliefs regarding Nano.” Fatos Nano will deliver his final words in 14 years. By then, the Socialists will be in power in Albania. In his final words, Fatos Nano will tell the young Socialists the refined versions of the hostile groups. The UN mercenaries will also be at the big rally; they will act first as guerrilla units and then as volunteer detachments. Frok Çupi celebrated the 100th anniversary of political persecution. At the dinner hosted on this occasion by the North Atlantic Alliance, the well-known journalist Milaim Zeka gave a greeting. Çupi will seek his final political asylum in England. The speeches delivered at the dinner used only the northern dialect, that of the moderates, not that of the cave-dwellers. The [text unclear] journalist Neritan Ceka is declared the most prolific journalist, leaving the very prolific journalist P. Dn. [text unclear] of the IME foundation in second place. Luan Hajdaraga will be commander of the observer guards for four years, until Sunday. THE CHRONICLER