In Kukës:
Dialogue was not respected in Kukës. The authorities and the state did not do what should have been done.
Problems that had been neglected were met with procrastination, while at the critical point in the events they fell prey to a moment of intolerance. The concern in Kukës is real, not fabricated. Although inherited, it could not be resolved using inherited practices. It must be mentioned that this is a grievance affecting 27 villages, an old and very familiar problem, in the face of which it cannot be said that the authorities were unprepared. Kukës has a local administration with its own responsibilities, and it also has political forces that must take responsibility for their policies and the means by which they pursue them. Kukës has its own members of parliament, through whom people’s grievances should be brought to the highest levels of the state, which is undoubtedly the state of the people of Kukës too. In reality, the issue lies beyond the authority of the local administration. The Government should have offered a solution. The number of 26 injured people must also be mentioned, even though most of them are from the ranks of the security forces. Intolerance is not confined to one side, and neither side can be excused for it. A great deal of time has been wasted through delays in resolving the problem. Although it has roots in the past, no timely effort was made to make up for this lost time. Indeed, it seems that even more time was wasted. Calm and a genuine desire to find a solution—which is not impossible—were lacking. But no solution can come from harshness and a lack of willingness to seek one. They are residents of 27 villages, and most of this population can be considered reasonable. That is reason enough to find the calm the situation demands. It is also a reason not to view the demands as a single block. Among the hunger strikers there are also elements who want to carry forward the past and fuel intolerance, but that is precisely why tolerance must be exercised. It is in the nature and practice of democracy to seek dialogue unconditionally, all the more so when the matter concerns a legal association and human demands. Force, when it departs from the nature of the state, tends—willingly or not—to compromise it. And force invariably begets force in the opposite direction. The whole problem is that, instead of force, we must learn to use dialogue and tolerance. But first, this must be genuinely desired. The Government must reach an agreement with the hunger strikers, but the hunger strikers, too, must know how to distinguish among the things they are asking for. It is natural to demand compensation for the land that was flooded and the homes there, but demands for co-ownership of the hydroelectric plant, to which the toil and sweat of all Albanians have contributed, sound absurd. There must be a plan acceptable to both sides, but it should not be expected to be implemented within a single day, nor should it be sought through harsh methods. The state is the state, and it must not be provoked to such an extent that its inability to act is called into question. The national highway must not be blocked for any reason. The inhabitants of the flooded villages were left without land and homes, and these are what they must seek; but the Government did not take them away, nor should they promise that the opposition will return them. This is about people, and people are not to be toyed with. A redevelopment plan must be drawn up jointly, made concrete and given precise deadlines; this would ease the tensions. Unreasonable demands can also provoke unreasonable reactions, but we believe that this is in nobody’s interest. The voices of the political forces there must also be heard, but clearly: they must show constructiveness, not the opposite. In particular, the presence of dishonest elements seeking to bring intolerance to Kukës does not diminish the necessity of finding a real and acceptable solution. The Government must not remain silent. Even if, for a moment, intolerance took the place of dialogue, we must immediately return to it: dialogue. There is no other solution.
President Berisha before the journalists
Yesterday morning, in one of the rooms of the presidency, President Berisha answered questions from journalists for 70 minutes.
He began the press conference by answering a question about “relations with Greece after the recent statements by the Greek government spokesman, Venizellos”. The President said, “I have been determined to work so that tensions between the two countries are lowered, not raised.” He emphasized that it depends above all on which course Greek politics will represent—European politics, the principles of Maastricht and the CSCE, or the old Byzantine politics. If the latter happens, relations will be difficult. The President described the Zurich meeting as positive because “both sides showed a willingness to address all the problems”. In this context, President Berisha reiterated the well-known position of the Albanian Government on the Çam issue, describing it as “undeniable”. As for the normal development of relations between the two countries, President Berisha emphasized that no Greek government has ratified the Florence Protocol (the protocol in which the borders between Albania and Greece, as set by the Allied Forces in 1945, are recorded). Asked about statements by the British Secretary of State, Hogg, concerning Kosovo, President Berisha praised Mr. HOGG’s mission and emphasized that “the establishment of dialogue and the rebuilding of institutions have my full support, and Albania’s full support, for the policy he is pursuing to resolve the Kosovo problem”. The President described any insinuation in this regard as “deliberate fantasy on the part of the Serbian press”. Asked about relations between Albania and Italy, President Berisha mentioned the great assistance Italy gave Albania in its most difficult days and said that Italy and Albania in their most difficult days and said that Italy leads investment in Albania. Regarding the PS’s call for early elections, he said, “This is a permanent demand of the opposition, and I still have not understood when this demand is being made seriously.” The President added here that, in any case, elections will be held in 700 days. In response to a question about “the disruption of the three-party coalition” (PD, PP, PSD), the President said that “the coalition has been and remains a ‘serious coalition’ and that ‘the results achieved over the past two years have been impressive’.” Regarding the hunger strikers in Kukës, the President said that “special and differentiated attention” should be shown; he described some of their demands as reasonable and achievable. In answer to a question about the problem of Albanian refugees in Germany, the President said that at the meeting I had with the relations between President Berisha and President Rugova, Mr. Berisha said that “President Rugova has had ...”
Regarding the PS’s demand of the opposition, and I still haven’t cited here a statement by one of the socialist leaders in the press: “The first time, we demanded early elections for propaganda purposes.” Early elections are held when the country is in crisis, the President continued. Describing a series of successes achieved during this period, he concluded his answer to this question by considering the demand to be the result of a political crisis, and added that, indeed, they would also seek at the ministerial-level meeting in Shkup to have the President facilitate what he considered reasonable and achievable.
In response Germany, the President said, “At the meeting I had with Germany’s Vice-Chancellor and Foreign Minister, Klaus Kinkel, I emphasized that keeping Albanian refugees in Germany is direct economic assistance, and I asked that tolerance in the treatment of Albanian refugees continue.”
The President also answered other questions from journalists.
“Republika” correspondent
President Berisha during yesterday’s press conference. Photo: Armando Babani
President Berisha will make an official visit to Romania
At the invitation of the President of the Republic of Romania, Mr. Ion Iliesku, the President of the Republic, Mr. Sali Berisha, will make an official visit to Romania from 9 to 11 May 1994.
During this visit, President Berisha will be accompanied by the Minister of Finance, Pirro Dishnica, the chairman of the Committee on Science and will hold a working meeting with the Hungarian President, Mr. Arpad Gonz. ATSH
To the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, Mr. Berlusconi
Congratulatory Telegram
PRSH sends you its very best wishes for your great victory in the political elections of April 1994 and your appointment as Prime Minister.
We consider your mandate to be an extremely important factor in the continual improvement of relations between our two friendly countries, for strengthening political stability and
Greece is not bringing the Balkans closer to Europe
…while its term as the next chair is coming to an end
It was fortunate for the Balkans that one of its countries would preside over the European Union for six months. Papulias’s tour was a good beginning for Greek foreign policy in the Balkans, and yet he left Skopje out of his tour.
In a way, he thus carried with him the possibility of the failure of this policy inherited from the government of Micotaqis.
It is now evident that Greece can not only not lead Europe—Europe—but is isolating itself as Greece in the Balkans. The good fortune for the Balkan peoples dissolved like a brief dream. Apparently, it was the “fate” of the Balkans to be represented on the continent by a country such as Greece.
Put briefly, the next chair of the European Union is perhaps now entirely cold in its relations with Europe and icy in its relations with its Balkan neighbors; it has a closed border with the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, is an eternal enemy of Turkey, suspects that tomorrow’s hostility is inevitable because the Bulgarians still refuse to recognize it as a nation and the Macedonians, and is engaged in a silent dispute with Romania over the Vlahs’ ancient origins in the Balkans...
Add to this its fearful stance toward present and future American policy in the Balkans and its new allies here, unpredictable accusations about Germany’s role in this region and Italy’s alleged old ambitions for this Adriatic, the recent accusations on the BBC against England for its policy of shutting itself off within the European Union, and Greece has morally and practically lost the ability to represent Europe in the Balkans.
We cannot but acknowledge that, apart from Greece’s own misfortunes, this is not in the interests of all the Balkan peoples either. For it is also a fact that everything has been trampled underfoot by the ambition itself and the loss of composure in Greek foreign policy.
A Greece respected in Europe would be a passport, with or without a passport, for the Balkans there. In every respect—political, economic, civic and human—a dignified Greece would push the Balkans at least one step farther toward the West. Although there were great doubts, this was expected too, but it seems that the climate of the southern Balkans made it impossible to achieve anything of the kind.
More than any other Balkan government, the Greek government is a “prisoner” of its own nationalisms. Balkan people entering Greece with valid documents are treated so that visas obtained from the customs authorities of the Macedonian state are revoked and declared invalid, even with several months’ delay, and this does not reflect a European mentality. Albanians are asked to pledge their nationality in exchange for a Greek visa; Greek radio stations speak of an invasion without limits that must be pushed back, even by force, inside Greece’s neighboring states. 95% of Greek investment in Albania is in the so-called Vorio-Epir, 5% reaches Tirana, and none goes to northern Albania. After this, one cannot speak of sincerity or open and transparent friendship. Meanwhile, the Minister of State, Pangalos, says, “Albania is obliged to come to an agreement with us, because it is barely staying afloat thanks to Greek aid and money.” He repeats this several times on the BBC, leaving the agency’s journalist speechless, while proudly declaring that his country’s relations with Germany are excellent and that this is none of the English state’s business (!!!). By continually distancing itself from and cooling relations with its neighbors, Greece was unable, even during its four phases, to create the European Union or play the role of bringing the peninsula closer to the civilized continent. On the contrary, it distanced itself from Europe too.
After this, it has also lost its composure in its own relations. Tensions affect people, and neighboring countries cannot help but be concerned as well. The Balkans will need a great deal of time to recreate an atmosphere acceptable in Europe’s eyes, while they seek their legitimate right to integrate.
U.S. openly criticize the UN envoy to Bosnia
ROTER - The U.S. openly criticized the UN Special Envoy, Yasushi Akashi, for allowing Serbian tanks to violate the exclusive zone around Sarajevo.
State Department spokeswoman Kristin Shelly took the highly unusual step of criticizing Akashi at her daily press briefing after he approved the easing of restrictions on Serbian tanks in Sarajevo’s safe area. Shelly stressed that the U.S. strongly opposed the action concerning the zone and had taken significant measures with UN officials. NATO has also opposed the decision.
Akashi, an experienced Japanese diplomat, had previously overruled the U.S. by refusing air strikes against the Serbs who besieged the Muslim enclave of Gorazde last month. On that occasion, Washington did not make its views known, although the criticism fell into the hands of propaganda. This time, however, Shelly sharply criticized him: “The U.S. recognizes that Akashi’s task is extremely difficult. We are not renewing calls for his resignation. But we would like him to do his job better,” she stressed.
In this issue:
The smoke screen of Mr. BALETA £ 2
From the history of the Albanian National Autocephalous Orthodox Church £ 3
Mr. Berlusconi
PRSH sends you its very best wishes for your great victory in the political elections of April 1994 and your appointment as Prime Minister.
of relations between our two friendly countries and in strengthening political and economic stability with Italy, which we regard as one of the great industrial countries of the world and an important factor in the further development of democracy in the world.
The clear victory of your party and the coalition you lead clearly expresses the desire of the wise and democratic Italian people for a new life and a more active role in modern democratic Europe.
PRSH highly values your views and expresses its deep conviction that you, highly esteemed Prime Minister, will make the wishes of the Italian people a reality.
We wish you success in your high and noble office and hope for close cooperation with the Albanian Government.
With great respect,
Chairman of PRSH
SABRI GODO
From the chronicles
The capital’s madwoman N was seen on Thursday-Friday strolling along the paths of the Artificial Lake, absent-minded, completely indifferent, not at all troubled by the distractions of the living world. So great was her distraction that people began to think the moment had finally come when the poor woman had become 100% detached from the reality of this dark, wholly uninhabited world. But all the observations and interpretations of the evening were overturned on Saturday evening, when the madwoman, making a great noise, simply accepted this, and the wisdom of the situation, and the defense of the marked one; and the defense of the marked one; and the defense of the marked one, took up her position, and, thinking she would say “red” while wearing a black suit, headed for Skënderbej Square, drawing a large crowd of curious onlookers behind her.
“We have gathered for a very important problem,” she said, signaling for everyone to keep quiet. “Today we must announce the candidates for president of Vorio-Epiri. There are many candidates, chosen carefully, and you will approve them. We intend to set the election for the end of August. I have two candidates in mind,” she continued, taking a crumpled piece of paper from her bosom: “the first, Fatos Thanas Nano, and the second, Neritan Selim Ceka.” “The second one is Muslim and cannot be accepted,” objected one of the onlookers.
“Let it be,” said the madwoman, “he is also a pure-blooded operator from the past. He is also the most learned person in Albania.”
“What if we also put forward a modern figure, such as Arben Imami or Rilvan Peshkëpihe?” someone else interjected.
“No,” said the madwoman. “If there are four of them, they’ll turn into caves and snatch Albanian Vorio-Epiri away from us. I consider the campaign officially launched. Tomorrow evening, at this same hour, I invite you to gather here.”
“Why?” several voices asked at once.
“We’ll divide the properties of the hydroelectric plants among the owners. We’ll also draw up the project for the dam of the Adriatic and Ionian Seas. We’ll say that the lakes of Pogradec, Shkodër and Prespa are to be divided among the owners.”
“With all the water?” the curious onlookers asked.
“No,” said the madwoman, “we’ll divide the water among those who don’t have it. We’ll divide the mountains too.”