Greece’s confrontation with Albania is expanding, taking on the dimensions of a Greek confrontation in Ethiopian and American politics and becoming a clash between East and West. The pretext for this is Greece’s stubbornness in blocking for a second time the 35 million ECU in aid from the EC. As news agencies report, on Monday, at the meeting of the EC Council of Ministers for Economic Affairs and Finance in Luxembourg, the Greek minister once again vetoed it. A few days earlier, Papulias, the Foreign Minister and “friend” of Enver Hoxha’s Albania, had threatened at Athens airport that “at the head of the EC, Greece will use all its influence to impose sanctions on Albania.” This is an aggressive, short-sighted policy, inconceivable in Western democracy. For this reason, there is concern in Europe’s diplomatic circles, and a solution is expected at the meeting of the EC Foreign Ministers. With the victories of Papandreu’s socialists, Greece is increasingly tending toward a Byzantine, pro-Russian policy. The fruit of Papandreu’s anti-Western inclination is the policy of blockades against Albania. Papandreu has previously spoken openly in the Western press as an anti-American and opponent of the market economy. The leader of the Greek socialists, Papandreu, has said that it was the Marshall Plan, implemented in Europe and Greece, and Western preferential policy toward Greece—as the only anti-communist country in the Balkans—that transformed Greece from a backward Levantine country into an advanced Western European country. There are many reasons for this anti-Western policy. One of the main reasons is that, wanting to stand up for Serbia and defend the position of the Orthodox axis, Papandreu had more interest in an “friendly” Albania that was isolated or under Greece’s yoke than in an open Albania with comprehensive relations with Europe and America. The joint declaration previously signed by his PASOK representative and the Albanian socialist leader, now in prison for stealing aid with the support of the Italian socialists, clearly emphasized the anti-Western policy of these two left-wing political forces and their efforts to “Balkanize” the Balkan question. This policy of Balkanization was tested by Papandreu-Alia and proved fruitless. In many Western dictionaries, the term Balkanization means to confuse an issue, to divide a country into small parts. Today, to Balkanize the Balkan problem means to remove the European and American presence from its solution, to leave the Balkans in the hands of Greece and Serbia, which would dictate the law on everything. The Balkanization thesis is nothing but demagoguery intended to remove the European and American presence, because Greece and Serbia will not hesitate, whenever they hear a Russian balalaika strumming, to dance the Kazachok. Greek political ties with the Eastern Orthodox axis also have ideological causes. The Greek left-wing forces are doing everything they can, following communism’s failure in the countries of the East, to keep the socialist spirit alive again and portray the destruction of the whole world as the result of the “mistakes” of certain individuals and pro-European socialists. Yet the resolution of the Balkan questions is not complete and does not take account of the European and American presence, because the countries of Europe have moved away from one another, so that whenever they hear a Russian balalaika being played, they dance the Kazachok. BARDHYL MATRAXHIU (continued on page 3)

There is an almost “tragicomic” effort to put on display all the surviving members of Those who exercised yesterday’s dictatorship. This is no surprise, of course, when it is made, for example, by someone like Todor Lubonja regarding his “old friends,” Ramiz Alia, on the grounds that people have obligations toward one another! Or when former high-ranking officials of the dictatorship-state testify that Ramiz Alia himself (and his henchmen) merely enforced the Law of that time, and only the Law! Our colleague J. Duri warned that a day would come when the BLAME would be placed only on “comrade Enver,” while ALL THE COMRADES and His fellow fighters (those who understood the reason for it) would emerge innocent! Another colleague, A. Bace, wrote during these days of the courtroom trial that the unpunished are seeking to stage a trial of the Dead Saviors! Our colleague A. Frangaj, precisely in these days of trial, argues that Ramiz Alia should be tried for “violating the constitutional law by allowing political pluralism” (!!). I do not believe Ramiz Alia himself would accept this “charge,” because: 1. For violating the Constitution, he would be sentenced seven or eight times over, with punishments far more severe than those in the current indictment. 2. Because pluralism (and not DUST-ALISM) was won by the students, and he did not bring it about, as the colleague-publicist says after being informed. 3. It is true that Ramiz Alia resigned when the people no longer wanted him, but it should be added, to understand his “tolerance,” that at that time governments and people were being toppled (the “Ceausescu event”), and it is hard to believe Alia would have wanted to share Nicolae’s fate. 4. It has still not been proved that Alia ordered the leadership to be condemned for the killings at the border, but his defender or subordinate cannot prove either that Alia ordered people not to be killed at the border. Frangaj is mistaken when he says that “crossing the border was considered treason.” FARUK MYRTJA (continued on page 4)

As a concrete measure to curb the inflation of anti-Albanian propaganda by its people in southern Albania, the Greek “uncle”tonipul? has begun breathing life into the phantom of the Hellenization of the South from beyond the grave. Two literary Greek bank accounts in Sarandë, dozens of “humanitarian” associations collecting funds for the poor “Northern Epirotes,” and thousands of visa lists carrying an expensive fee for every person who applies for one: these are the platform presented and implemented by the head of the Greeks in the South to finance the campaign and keep the spirit of the Hellenic phantom alive in the South. The ideas that originate in the assembly halls shown in the photograph, where a slogan is written in German letters reading “Freedom for Vorio-Epirus,” and which is directed by Sebastianos, the Greek government’s minister without portfolio and deputy prime minister, several of its generals, the mayor of Ioannina and other representatives of the Greek state, provide irrefutable evidence of a vested interest and of an organized effort by the Greek state against Albania. From this hall, where the political sponsorship of this intervention began, the return of the Hellenic phantom in southern Albania to the political scene and to relations between the two countries also began. The millions of drachmas poured into this three-year activity have turned these leaders of the Greek minority in Albania into political rentiers, while ordinary Greek citizens in the South feel deeply despised and insulted as they head off to work in Greece, like so many Albanians who are getting rich through their labor, and often their blood, in Athens, Thessaloniki and Ioannina. Concentrating political and financial sponsorship in the hands of the minority leaders has as its ultimate aim the creation of a political class ready to sacrifice its minority identity. This class, now economically detached and living at a higher standard than the Greek minority in Dropulli and several villages of Vurg in Sarandë, is ready to resist the frustration that inevitably comes from the absence of a Hellenic homeland on which to set foot for the Hellenic phantom imported from Athens. Subsequent verification of this appeal makes it clear that the rentiers of Greek politics in the South now live solely on the interest from these millions. At the same time, reliable sources at the Albanian State Bank in Tirana report that foreign-currency deposits are being made to the Orthodox Church of Ioannina and placed at the top of the income balance for this center; meanwhile, in Qirjazi’s message, as printed in the newspaper, there appear to be no documents to prove this, and, in his words, whether one or more interested parties are seeking to set a curve, their power is also half of the intervention and the reason they demand frightening percentages and other measures. This class, now economically detached and living at a higher standard than the Greek minority in Dropulli and several villages of Vurg in Sarandë, is ready to resist the frustration that inevitably comes from the absence of a Hellenic homeland on which to set foot for the Hellenic phantom imported from Athens. Subsequent verification of this appeal makes it clear that the rentiers of Greek politics in the South now live solely on the interest from these millions. At the same time, reliable sources at the Albanian State Bank in Tirana report that foreign-currency deposits are being made to the Orthodox Church of Ioannina and placed at the top of the income balance for this center; meanwhile, in Qirjazi’s message, as printed in the newspaper, there appear to be no documents to prove this, and, in his words, whether one or more interested parties are seeking to set a curve, their power is also half of the intervention and the reason they demand frightening percentages and other measures. MERO BAZE At one of the SVEFAS assemblies, an organization for the liberation of Vorio-Epirus. The slogan in the background reads: “Freedom for Vorio-Epirus”

Each of us, wherever we live, should remember that we are generous as people. Broadly, let each person remember his fate and his place, remember what the devil and his mother have given him for this place, come and see, and offer whatever he can. Our homeland invites (calls) everyone—all those who left long ago, but also those who are away at present, who left this place seeking a better life—to give everything for it and do their duty. I express this in good faith; I believe it, and you should believe it too. In this place, everyone who lives here will find everything, and at least should decide, even if the day has not yet come, because there are people here who are ready to give everything to us. We are like giants in responding to this matter—those who left long ago, but also those who are away at present, who left this place seeking a better life—to give everything for it and do their duty. I express this in good faith; I believe it, and you should believe it too. Note: Anyone wishing to offer financial assistance should send it to account No. 656/12 at the Albanian Bank in Sarandë, or No. 480928-91 at the National Bank in Ioannina, stating their wishes and proposals for how it should be used. (Correspondence) of everyone: we hope that this place and this people will progress and become what they ought to be. For the General Council of “OMONIA” CHAIRMAN Sotir Qirjazi

Clarifications At the many meetings Republicans hold with the Albanian electorate at large, they encounter citizens in various places who have repeatedly asked for answers. This is because other political forces, for their own interests, have done everything possible to muddy the waters. While in our political platform we rely on “historical arguments,” others use their monopoly over TV to avoid addressing these issues, without which democracy itself would become more rigid and face strong resistance. Here, the press has also fostered the silence and delay with which Parliament is treating the submission and discussion of the Republican draft law on agricultural land. Does the PR want to bring back the landlords and beys? The PR refuses to use expressions and concepts of this kind, which continue the communist judgment and mentality regarding property and property owners. For the PR, there are no more beys, landlords, aghas or other such categories. Other political forces continue to follow Lenin’s saying that “private property gives rise to capitalism at every moment.” We believe in the fact that we live in a society that has undertaken to build capitalism, not communism, which is precisely what they fear about private property. In this sense, the PR supports respect for rightful owners, old and new, because property is property and, whatever its age, it remains sacred and must be respected as such. If we commit the sin of failing to recognize old property, we would give someone after us the right to call the property we are creating today through effort and sweat “old,” and to declare it invalid. The PR respects property that is legitimate, acquired through work and sweat. As for the former large landlords, who in reality number only seven families, we consider them owners too, but nowhere and at no time have we advocated the full return of their properties. First, it must be made clear that all seven together owned exactly 14,450 hectares, or 3.7% of all agricultural land, while the state itself (the largest landlord!) owned exactly 50,000 hectares during this period! In its draft law, the PR limits the possibility of restitution to the seven families, with a maximum of 60 hectares per heir. Thus everyone will benefit from this draft law without upsetting relations with medium and small landowners in the Albanian countryside. Most importantly, the reason this draft law is supported by the Albanian countryside is that around 87% of Albanian peasants were property owners and should not be prevented from becoming owners again, once and for all. It is neither honest nor democratic for someone, among the large property owners you meet, to have artificially and forcibly added to the number of families that did not own land, assigning them around 19 hectares per family. It does not help the stability or the economic and democratic development of the Albanian state to disregard and make no allowance for the presence of emigration and the negative emotions left behind by the system that has just been overthrown. What will happen to the peasants’ crops on the land belonging to the owners? What is the alternative accused of?—

The capital’s madwoman N spent all Monday morning wandering in front of the Ministry of Justice, pouring out a torrent of incomprehensible words. At around 15:00, as ministry employees were leaving for the state offices, she let out a shout and delivered this speech: “Gay freedom! You cannot stop our association. You cannot stop it because the very nature of our work is secret. Even if you legalized us, we would still do everything illegally. We are the 331st and largest association in Albania. We have 32,000 minorities in our ranks alone. I don’t know whom we have appointed as the association’s chairman. I am authorized to tell you, because it is no secret. The honorary chairman of our association is Comrade Enver. So far, only he has been publicly announced. Before the visit, he had been a lover. First, after obtaining permission from the Ministry of Justice, it was his wish that an association of socialist homosexuals also be created. His second wish is the creation of the Forum of Moderate Homosexuals. This forum will be Albania’s hope. Serbian and Greek experience will serve as guidance for understanding the future of both. This is because they have historically been active.” On Tuesday, the madwoman was seen acting as an escort to the most prominent person in recent national declarations, Comrade Namik Dokle. The heroine was asking the opposition leader for a permit to transport her sacrificial victims to Serbia. The request was truly strange, and it was unclear why she was asking him in particular. “Come on, you’re the one,” she said confidently. “My brother himself told me that he would let me...” On Wednesday evening, the madwoman appeared outside Tirana prison and made this statement: “The American Congress is taking under its protection the Greek-Albanian-American-Iranian Theodhori Bezhani. For this reason, a new visit to the Canton in Vario-Epir is expected in a few days.” THE CHRONICLER

After the news about “secret” meetings with several prominent figures in the political life of Kosovo Albanians—meetings that were in a way denied by the Albanian participants themselves—another “bombshell” came from Belgrade, once again concerning “secret” meetings. This time the Serbs’ interlocutors were from Albania, specifically representatives of the Socialist Party. According to reports from Belgrade, the meeting between representatives of Albania’s Socialist Party and their counterparts from Serbia had taken place in Sofia. According to an interview given to the BBC by Luan Hajdaraga, a co-chair of the SP, the meeting had taken place as part of a “meeting of socialists from several European countries, which was also attended by representatives of the Socialist Party of Serbia.” According to Mr. Hajdaraga, the meeting with the Serbian socialists had nothing at all to do with the problems between the two countries, but was part of an attempt at party-level mediation. However, this contradicts what the Serbian representative, Kërshaljanin, said. He stated that they had also discussed the possibility of an Albanian-Serbian dialogue to resolve the problems existing between the two countries, and did not fail to express his “indignation” at the situation of the Albanians, which, he said, Albania’s SP had been confronting on the part of the current Albanian government, allegedly prompted by foreign right-wing forces. No one is prevented from holding discussions individually or in a group with anyone, including Greeks or Serbs, in a democratic state. Contacts can be useful, since they help resolve disagreements that may exist between different parties. This also applies to meetings that representatives of Serbia may hold, especially now, when even the rentiers of Greek politics—who took part in organizing a Hellenic spirit in southern Albania—have already put their feet down as a pawn in the Greek moratorium. The right-wing people of Dropull, who still do not know how to read the message’s prevailing lines, and who were promised a little “Hellenization” as proof, have mortgaged their existence to make Qirjazi and his associates millionaires. This is perhaps the greatest accident in political relations between compatriots and, at the same time, the greatest crisis among the Greeks in their interaction with Albania. GAJOSH LEVONJA (continued on page 4)

FREEDOM TO THE NORTHERN EPIRUS INHABITANTS JOURNALISTIC

At one of the SVEFAS assemblies, an organization for the liberation of Vorio-Epirus. The slogan in the background reads: “Freedom for Vorio-Epirus” Accompanying note in the document: Today Kurvelosh, minister without portfolio and deputy prime minister, Arqile Filli, mayor of Ioannina, Hevenius Haithidhis, former prefect of Thessaloniki, the notorious Sebastian and senior figures of ASFALI-as