Dr. Mehmet Gëlsiu, PR deputy, expressing his own views and those of the PR on the issue, says, among other things: “On the price of goods to be compensated,” discussed in Parliament on 16 June. I would like to express my opinion, and at the same time that of the PR, which I have the honor to represent, on the draft law “On the price of land to be compensated.” 1. As is known, the PR has supported and continues to support the return of property to former owners: owners should be given their property, land and plots, not securities. The arguments used to deny ownership are already known, and this is not the place to repeat them. 2. So far, the value of the securities is unclear, and therefore it is unclear what former owners will do with them. 3. Privatization in Albania has moved forward—far forward (I hear high privatization percentages reported by radio, television and the daily press), and it is now very difficult for former owners, after receiving securities[?], to use them to participate in the privatization of state assets. It is very likely that the securities will remain in former owners’ pockets, because they will have nothing to acquire with them. 4. Securities may be regarded as a rational idea, but only if they had been introduced at the very beginning of privatization. 5. The price being offered is very low, and in reality this method does not provide a real conversion of immovable property. The real value of land can be determined only when a genuine market for buying and selling is established, and that can happen only when the land is returned to its owners. The very low price of the plot gives the impression of an attempt to implement one of the deepest and sharpest social contradictions. Such a grim[?] lesson sounds like a contrived way of justifying a kind of new expropriation. The articles on the valuation of “land in tourist areas” reinforce our vote against the bill. In view of what we have said above, as well as the facts that payment has been made[?] for the securities, that payment has been made[?] for what is now called occupied and unoccupied land, that the future price of land is unclear, that there will be subjectivity in classifying land categories and dividing up zones, that the market practice[?] and therefore the money is not being received by former owners, and, finally, that it is unclear where the Government will find 25 billion new lekë to compensate for about 6,000 hectares of land (?), I will vote against this draft law. If this draft law is approved, it will leave many people dissatisfied and, consequently, damage democratic processes in Albania.

Yesterday prosecutor Fana asked for: Alia and his lawyer Koci before the court hearing began Photo: Armando Babani Just 54 years of imprisonment for the overwhelming majority of the former leaders of the communist dictatorship in Albania. Fifty-four years in prison for the highest leadership of the PPSH. Meanwhile, to make a small comparison, the 54 years in prison for the criminal leaders would equal the prison years served by Osman Kazazi—and not only Osman Kazazi, but hundreds of thousands of others who entered the infernos of the dictatorship’s prisons under their regime and emerged aged 60 or 70, at an age when a person begins to leave this world forever. Many of them were unable to get out of that hell, and many others were not even given a bed in which to die. Fifty-four years in prison for the criminal part of the dictatorship. That is what prosecutor Fana asked for them. That is the sentence given to just one person in their time. Fifty-four years, compared with the countless thousands of other years, for the prisons of Burrel and Qafë Bari. Fifty-four years against the hundreds of millions of years this people spent in prison. This is the “revenge” of the press, the revenge the newspapers write about. The revenge the losers in power howl about. How many years for them all... The old men Qarcani and Myftiu are not included in this figure. For them, five years’ imprisonment, suspended, was requested. It would be better to ask for more, and for the Court to reach the same conclusion, so that the old men Çarçani and Myftiu might have the good fortune to await death at home. And who knows, in their remaining days they may repent and pray to God for their sins against the murdered, the imprisoned, those drowned without graves, the exiles and the internees. For they too—the murdered, the exiled, the interned, those left without graves—might have died in their homes, or at least had a grave. The prosecutor asked for 10 years in prison for Alia’s former secretary. Meanwhile, lawyer Koci, asking for less than the five-year sentence of comrade Ramiz, points to the fact that the prosecutor never once referred to him as president. But was Ramiz Alia really president of Albania, and when was he president?! Ten years for Rita Marko, too, the man who is again asking for another trial[?] concerning the Trade Unions, the agricultural cooperatives and the organization of bread supplies in the country. Seven years for Aranit Çela—although even that was the small sentence he had imposed for his responsibility in propaganda. One year less, six years, for Hekuran Isai. After three years, when he has served his sentence, he will once again be able to make clever, carefree jokes around the many microphones. Only eight years for the former salt trader and former Minister of the Interior, Simon Stefani. Six years for the cannibal Zylfyftar Ramizi, and, astonishingly, only four years for the world’s most ordinary prosecutor, Rrapi Mino. The trial of the dictatorship’s former top leaders is nearing its end. Fifty-four years in prison for them—that is as much as they used to sentence a single person to in their time... YLLI RAKIPI Alia and his lawyer Koci before the court hearing began. Photo: Armando Babani

Three months after the first letter, another official request for self-determination and autonomy addressed to Kostandin Micotaqisi—Qirjazati considers the USA and several other European countries enemies solely because they are Albania’s allies Qirjazati publicly deceives the Greek minority Democratic Union of the Greek National Minority – OMONIA Sarandë, 30.05.1992 To Mr. Kostandin Micotaqi – Prime Minister of Greece Athens Mr. Prime Minister, The General Council of Omonia, the only organization that legally represents the Greeks in Vorio-Epir who live in Albania, taking the current state of relations as its starting point, wishes to express to you its views regarding the main issues concerning the present and future of Greek Vorioepir. 1. We, the Greeks of Vorioepir, believe that political developments in the Balkans and in Europe generally have created ideal conditions for raising our issue and beginning the processes to realize it. It is also a Balkan issue that requires a solution within the Balkan framework, thereby helping to resolve the Balkan crisis. Within this framework, we believe it is possible to raise the issue before the foreign ministers of the Great Powers, as happened in 1946, or to seek the establishment in Vorioepir of the beginning of intervention by the authorities, or at least to grant autonomy to our region—solutions that could be combined with what is happening[?] in other Balkan countries. For our part, we declare collectively that we will participate in such a policy responsibly and energetically. We, on the other hand. Naturally, we recognize the difficulties and problems Greece faces today. It is not possible, not even[?], to sacrifice Vorioepir once again in order to appease various tendencies and pursue a defensive policy, when it is known that such a policy could (continued on page 2) At left: The Democratic Union of the Greek National Minority – OMONIA, the proven political platform that creates confrontation with Albanians. Now Qirjazati is publicly lying. This is the most critical phase of the crisis of a desperate politician who, having failed to give the Greek minority in Albania a clear platform for coexistence with Albanians, has directed its interests into irresponsible channels that offer only further disappointment. Afraid that his proven political platform, which creates confrontation with Albanians, will be exposed to the Greek minority that entrusted him with leading the “OMONIA” organization, Qirjazati is now trying to evade his unlawful and unconstitutional activities. In his interview and in the politicians’ newspaper. Mero BAZE (continued on page 2) Clarification In the latest issue of the newspaper “Demokracia,” under the headline “Eight answers to a jakuzë,” a statement of mine was published in my capacity as PR deputy chairman. I wish to clarify to the public and the newspaper that the published statement is untrue. I did not make any statement to that newspaper. The truth is that a journalist from this newspaper interviewed me a few days ago (using a tape recorder). Only a few words were taken from the interview I gave, and others were added according to her own wishes. The action taken by the editorial office is unacceptable. FATMIR MEDIU

USA The long-awaited USA ’94 World Cup begins with a grand ceremony at Chicago’s Soldier Field stadium before the Germany–Bolivia match. Dancers, music, red and blue flags, and Dj-Bass Bossa. The temperature is high, 35 degrees Celsius, because of the American midday heat, bringing warm European temperatures. President Bill Clinton greets the 70,000 spectators and millions of television viewers, and then watches[?] the match together with German Chancellor Helmut Kohl. Both take off their jackets and remain in white shirts. The Germany–Bolivia match is underway, but Americans are watching something else on TV. CNN is broadcasting live the arrest by American police of former American football star O. J. Simpson, 46, accused of stabbing to death his 35-year-old wife and his 25-year-old girlfriend. Since 1970, the reigning World Cup champions had been unable to win the opening match of each World Cup. This time, by contrast, Germany wins 1–0, but after a boring game. And had the second match, Spain–South Korea, played three hours later, not featured such entertaining play and ended in that dramatic 2–2 draw by the Asians 10 seconds before the final whistle, USA ’94 would have remained, once and for all, something boring for Americans. But once again, the next day, the front pages of the popular American press are full of the arrest of Simpson, his homosexual activities, the New York team’s victories over Houston in the NBA final, while USA ’94 gets very little or no coverage. Meanwhile, something has truly begun at this World Cup: a balance apparent from the very start, which will make the days of this tournament increasingly long. The referees wear the most beautiful uniforms—but are extremely strict, with few mistakes so far. Etcheveria, Bolivia’s star, was sent off minutes after coming onto the field for a brutal foul on Matesiu, while Nadal, the Spanish team’s midfielder, suffered the same fate when he tackled the fast South Korean forward from behind at the edge of the box. Nevertheless, such things do not seem to matter to Americans. Paradoxically, America is the country where soccer (European football) is currently the most widespread and preferred sport among children and 15-year-olds. But when they return home happy after playing this sport, their parents find it very difficult to explain to them what makes this sport so appealing. Thus American pragmatism reaches its peak: earning 4 billion dollars in a single month through a sport that does not attract Americans at all. GJERGJ PILIKA

Like an experienced newspaper (ZP), Musa Ulqini wants the Prefect of Durrës not to have been present at the inauguration marking the start of restoration work at the Port of Durrës!! According to Ulqini, perhaps a prefect from another city or prefecture should have come there, either by himself or from another prefecture—just not the one from Durrës, where the prefect is based! Perhaps Ulqini would have preferred the prefects to be swapped (for example, instead of Viktor Margilaj, the Prefect of Durrës, it should have been Spartak Brako), but things have changed now. Those in power are no longer obliged to do so, and Musa knows that much. If he knows it, he should accept it; he has been forced to accept it. Furthermore, Ulqini cannot claim to know Viktor Margilaj better than the citizens of Fier, who have long entrusted him with their confidence. The fact that the PS failed to win in Libofshë and Tërbuf does not mean that Viktor Margilaj is a bandit, as Musa Ulqini labels him. The people of Fier know Margilaj as a model and an honest man, and understand the truth—something he has demonstrated throughout the democratic processes in Fier and beyond. The only thing they should accuse him of is simply his efforts in Albania[?] and his dedication to the city’s development. The fact that the PS failed to win in Libofshë and Tërbuf does not mean that Viktor Margilaj is a bandit, as Musa Ulqini labels him. The people of Fier know Margilaj as a model and an honest man, and understand the truth—something he has demonstrated throughout the democratic processes in Fier and beyond. The only thing they should accuse him of is simply his efforts in Albania[?] and his dedication to the city’s development. Furthermore, Ulqini cannot claim to know Viktor Margilaj better than the citizens of Fier, who have long entrusted him with their confidence. The fact that the PS failed to win in Libofshë and Tërbuf does not mean that Viktor Margilaj is a bandit, as Musa Ulqini labels him. The people of Fier know Margilaj as a model and an honest man, and understand the truth—something he has demonstrated throughout the democratic processes in Fier and beyond. The Observer

– After Oskar and a Nobel Prize for Neshat Tozaj’s poetic novels and films, published in the newspaper “Zëri i Popullit,” he did it dozens of times[?]—he did it dozens of times[?] – Buy the writings of policeman Neshat Tozaj! Buy his pamphlets about the diversants! Buy them, because he too was an active diversant for 20 years! Buy the police tales of “The Warm Hand”! There were plenty of stories about diversants. Long live the State Security! Praise the police-spitter Neshat Tozaj! In a few days I will show you the photograph of a writer-policeman who made regular visits to a psychiatrist. I always found him at the doctor’s. The doctor could not figure out what was wrong with him. Only when he recognized him did he cure that illness. The policeman-writer has nothing whatsoever to do with Neshat Tozaj. Any resemblance may be coincidental. The novellas of Neshat Tozaj! That thing he put aside a little. He mentions only impotence... – You mustn’t behave like a dog to the Turks, she replied. I’ll take you where everyone else stays... THE CHRONICLER