The CSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities, Van Der Stoel, has visited the Greek minority in Albania for the third time within a year, compelled by the deafening Greek clamour in Europe over this issue. This week, during his latest visit, he also met Mr. Kalidhopulli, chairman of the Gjirokastër district council, a “moderate” and “measured” Greek in his demands and claims concerning the Greek minority. Mr. Këshës, a former candidate for the metropolitan see of Korçë, some of the leaders of Greek chauvinist organisations that have already declared open war on the sovereignty of the Albanian state, as well as on the claims of the Greeks of the South, and representatives of the Greek state in Thessaloniki, have continuously complained about their rights, calling for engagement in support of the anti-Albanian uprising. Believing that Mr. Kalidhopulli is calm and measured, he surely told his compatriots in Albania that they enjoy benefits without arming themselves against Albanians, produce goods for the Greek state in Albania, and are financed from abroad by the Greek state, outside the legal framework. After another year, Van Der Stoel will have prepared his report on violations of the rights of the Albanian state by the Greek minority, while Mr. Kalidhopulli can continue to present himself in southern Albania as a moderate who does not support the Greek extremists in southern Albania. Stoel usually makes no statements to the press about what he discusses, but in his report to the CSCE he has at least consistently reported accurately on the good situation of this minority in Albania. If Mr. Kalidhopulli really is what they call a “moderate and measured Greek,” then he will surely have told the truth to the CSCE about the political situation of this minority, illustrating it with this photograph of himself in Thessaloniki alongside one of the most anti-Albanian figures in the Greek hierarchy of independence. As for what he discusses with the CSCE, Stoel has at least consistently reported accurately on the good situation of this minority in Albania.

In recent years, marked by extensive discussion and debate at every level—social and governmental—in Albania, the process of opening or not opening the secret files of the State Security Service has become a highly controversial issue. At the two-day seminar on “Lustration and Secret Files,” organised by the Albanian Helsinki Committee and the Soros Foundation, Albanians learned about the practices followed in former communist countries regarding the interpretation of secret files. Various speakers from these countries presented the approaches adopted in each country in recent years. Many opinions were also offered by various speakers, intellectuals, politicians, historians, lawyers, and even Albanian MPs and state officials, about the practice Albanian society should follow in interpreting, opening or not opening these files. Having learned about the practices presented by foreign speakers, the Albanian audience was introduced to substantial differences among the approaches of various countries. This phenomenon is entirely evident in an issue directly connected to the timing of political change in this country, the seriousness of these changes, and, especially, the structure and way of operating of the secret police and organs of violence in this country. It should be stressed that, according to participants, the meeting was made more interesting by the right to debate enjoyed by many representatives of political parties, intellectuals with or without a declared political alignment, and especially by the participation of members of the Government. The double position, or double standard, did not conceal the fact that Albanian opinion, even within its own positions, is divided; and now, without it being noticed, we see the issue opening up—the Albanian issue—despite the country’s evident drive towards democratisation and the opening of the files. Diplomats also took part in the two-day seminar. One said: “These files must be opened, so that we can put these people in their proper place and assign them the merit and social position they deserve.” Meanwhile, the director of the “Gauche Behorde” department for the files of the German secret police said: “We must open these files, because it is better to look the truth in the eye.” We believe that, in order to defend the conclusions of the two analysts in question, we must take a retrospective look at the atmosphere that has pervaded Albanians over the past three years: the platform of the State Security Service, the violence this body exercised for 50 consecutive years, and other specific factors. Throughout the democratic movement, the people who led it were of the view that, after taking power, the two types of State Security files (those of the watched and those of the watchers) should be opened, and all political trials initiated by the State Security Service (DPGJ) should be dismantled. At the same time, the notorious Commission for Deportations and Internments and the Special College installed at the Ministry of Internal Affairs should be abolished; its decisions had the force of court rulings at the time. This most important demand must be emphasised: the reaction of the legal institutions of the new democratic state against all those who had acted, or continued to mistreat, manipulate and tamper with the files. The press at the time spoke at length about the tampering with files and secret documents; secret telegrams from criminal institutions were also reported, in which the DPB district offices and the Vore Taqkë bodies were given instructions. After these reports appeared, the press did not verify them. The new democratic state should have kept this problem in mind. Political developments in the country over the past three years have brought another dangerous phenomenon to light: the Security Service and its collaborators, acting in powerful coordination, have launched an attack on democracy, turning the public arena into a machine of propaganda, slander and violence against the new state and the individual. Dispersed everywhere according to the scheme devised by the dictator, Security agents and collaborators at home and abroad—especially in the diaspora, and wherever there are concentrations of Albanians and emigrants—talk about neoconservatism in Albania, about an unstable country and a corrupt government, trying with all their resources and propaganda to endanger Albania and its democratic state. The new state declares criminals, while the press reports of these declarations have not been verified. The new democratic state should have kept this problem in mind. Political developments in the country over the past three years have brought another dangerous phenomenon to light: the Security Service and its collaborators, acting in powerful coordination, have launched an attack on democracy, turning the public arena into a machine of propaganda, slander and violence against the new state and the individual. Dispersed everywhere according to the scheme devised by the dictator, Security agents and collaborators at home and abroad—especially in the diaspora, and wherever there are concentrations of Albanians and emigrants—talk about neoconservatism in Albania, about an unstable country and a corrupt government, trying with all their resources and propaganda to endanger Albania and its democratic state.

Meetings in Skrapar and Berat On June 24, expanded meetings of the steering committees were held in the town of Skrapar and in Berat with the representatives of the RP, Mr. Fatmir Mediu, and the head of the Organisation Sector, Mr. Ismail Male. The intellectual composition of the Skrapar branch has helped its reputation grow, and its activities are based on cooperation with the Property with Justice Association, as a necessity for publicising property issues and raising people’s awareness of the problem. Entire villages have come to demand the return of their title deeds so they can go to their properties. This is also borne out by the fact that in 42 villages in this district, although land had been allocated under Law No. 7501, there was a call for it to be returned and for each person to receive the land as proposed by the Republicans. Recruiting intellectuals has been made difficult by the pressure and hostile stance adopted by the DP towards intellectuals who do not belong to it, especially in organisations that are vertically dependent on those above. The malicious silence shown by the Democratic Party regarding the RP’s position on land is a concern, even after the MP and the RP protested in the press. The official stance here on other matters includes corruption, which has become an everyday phenomenon and is especially evident in the restitution of property and privatisations, where the Socialist authorities not only hinder it but sabotage it, damaging the spirit and the very essence of this economic situation. People in an area with no prospects are asking for direct government involvement. “We have a strong Republican base of young intellectuals and honest members, following the establishment of the sub-branch,” Ilirian Sulaj stressed, “but we need support and backing from the RP central office.” The need for a clearer definition of the RP’s position was also discussed in Berat. The newspaper “Republika” should make its position on this issue clearer. The RP Berat branch sees its activity as campaigning; without further work to strengthen it, positive results cannot be expected. The fundamentally national stance of the newspaper “Republika,” which reflects the views of the RP, is admirable, but at the same time we must say openly that we do not approve of our Government’s apathetic stance and lack of considered thought. Our newspaper should shake up the Government so that we can conduct ourselves with greater dignity in our relations with our neighbours. Questions were asked and opinions exchanged about the Right Front and the Constitution. The head of organisation, Mr. Ismail Male, stressed that the Steering Committee, together with the branch, must proceed on the basis of planned and responsible work. The Republican draft law is an ideological foundation that should be developed in the direction of clarifying rights and property rights, respecting all human rights and people’s dignity, engaging young people’s ideas through plans coordinated with the central office, and maintaining proper documentation and reporting for the party and its newspaper. The RP Deputy Chairman, Mr. Fatmir Mediu, stressed that democracy began as a context for the development of political trends, whereas today we are seeing a deepening of conflicts and political tensions, which are not always based on a confrontation of ideas, (continued on page 2)

Albania offers dialogue, while... The appointment of Zhivorad Igjit, a senior official of the Serbian authorities in Kosovo, as ambassador to Albania sparked much discussion and many reactions, especially among the Albanians of Kosovo, who have witnessed much of this Serb’s “political career.” The Albanian reactions are natural; however, the question also arises: why has Serbia chosen precisely this figure for this post, to establish relations with the governments of other countries? Zhivorad Igjit, as a person, tried to destroy Albanian society in Kosovo. He was also the executor of crimes against this person, against Kosovo’s education system and economy, and ultimately against the physical existence of Albanians. From the very beginning of its activity, Serbia tried to confront the Albanian political movement in Kosovo with Serbs of the Igjit type. The whole world already knows how Igjit conducted his “dialogue” with Kosovo Albanians. It also seems that Igjit conducted this “dialogue” with the “unjustified views” of Albanian politics and the Albanian mind, so widespread in Kosovo. Now, as Albania makes various efforts to address the Kosovo problem through dialogue, Serbia responds by sending Zhivorad Igjit. It seems to value his experience and effectiveness. Should Serbia be allowed to change the fact that the Kosovo issue has reached a new stage and may continue further, no less than in Tirana? Should Serbian-Albanian organisations be allowed to serve as a forum for dialogue, while Serbia responds by sending Serbs for war or submission? If Serbia accompanied Igjit’s mission in Kosovo with police and military force, what forces will accompany his mission in Tirana? Igjit can come to Tirana only to close schools, poison children and kill Albanians. That is the only thing he knows and the only thing for which he was made in Belgrade. It is not difficult to understand whether Serbia dreams of doing this. It is known whom Milošević’s gang has contacted among the “Albanians” of Tirana. The decision to appoint Igjit Serbian ambassador in Tirana also shows the content and results of these talks, held in such secrecy from the public. The recent wave of anti-Albanian discussions in Belgrade, including among the so-called “opposition,” shows that the Serbs are rapidly preparing to apply the Kosovo treatment in Albania as well. In this case, the message to Serbia must be clear: Serbian practices in Kosovo are unacceptable; nothing of that kind can happen in Albania. The partners you have engaged will soon be in Belgrade for good.

After Ramiz Alia’s final statement Ramiz Alia finally became convinced that he is being tried for 50 years of history. He stubbornly tries in vain to convince Albanians that his trial is—and can only be—for political reasons. We know this well. R. Alia’s “testimonies” are superfluous. New testimony can only bring out what those who have not been able to testify until now could not prove; people who, even when they were tried, were not heard as witnesses—not witnesses like Alia, who held power, “justice” and injustice in their hands. But, strangely, Ramiz Alia insists on testifying! Albanians want the truth (after the Shehaj trial itself). But Alia himself, by defending the 50 years, testifies to the opposite. If it were otherwise, he would not be opposing the erection of monuments in city centres, monuments that were ultimately a tribute to his glory. I truly believe that Alia and his group of associates are being tried for 50 years, but it is just as true that, at least according to the prosecutor’s request, they will not be sentenced for the deeds of a single day in this history! For example, for the day (or night) of the ten people executed without trial over the bomb at the Soviet Embassy, or for one day of the Czech trial, or for one day in the Soviet Union, or for one day in Kosovo. The world truly was harsh and terrible, but was it abused every day? In any case, there were camps and prisons, even though many Albanians suffered greatly because of them, because of their relatives. The world truly was harsh and terrible, but was it abused every day? In any case, there were camps and prisons, even though many Albanians suffered greatly because of them, because of their relatives. “REPUBLIKA” (You can mention, for example, that in 1945 the “people’s power” found 350 highly qualified specialists, and “forget” that almost 350 of them were sentenced to execution by firing squad and hanging as enemies of the people? The border is a border and it must be guarded, but it is a fact that the Albanian border was more often violated from within—against Albanians—than by the “Cold War.” The world truly was harsh and terrible, but was it abused every day? In any case, there were camps and prisons, even though many Albanians suffered greatly because of them, because of their relatives. The world truly was harsh and terrible, but was it abused every day? In any case, there were camps and prisons, even though many Albanians suffered greatly because of them, because of their relatives. ... Later Alia “manfully” admits that he is being tried as an individual, as were his co-leaders, dead and alive; but can he be a co-leader of Enver Hoxha and also be innocent?! Is this what those who have been unable to testify are meant to testify about?

“There will be securities for the State Security Service’s spies, who were appointed to head the capital after they were appointed on Monday in front of the former Enver Hoxha Museum. Securities for every level. The securities for regular informers will be worth little. The securities for services and resident agents will be extraordinarily valuable. A large grant from the European Community will be allocated for Gramoz Ruçi, Koci Xoxa and Hekuran Isai. This time the Greek government will not stop this aid. There will be no securities for informants who denounce others; they will be rewarded with much larger sums by the families and relatives of those they denounced. Thus, Nesti Nase’s relatives will make a substantial sum of money available to Abdi Baleta and, at the same time, will quietly ask him to forgive them. For the regular diplomatic agents in New York. For the double agents who are members of the PS Political Bureau, there will be two kinds of reward: cash and in kind. The state will not tax this kind of informer either. Their association will be headed by someone who is unprecedented and on his own, as is his father. After the securities are distributed, the State Security Service will once again be an important weapon. One of its branches will also operate in Tirana Prison. Comrade Simu will not attend the testimony of this defendant for health reasons. This programme will be broadcast by Zylfytar Ramiz. Aranit Çela was also entitled to securities. Since he always testifies against those who are held in custody, the securities will make his choice more difficult. The kingdom of the future before the Tirana Court, near a number of constitutionalists, who have been appointed MPs. — I demand that the former “informers” of the PPSH be disgruntled! I demand the release of the accused! Joni got a job! Comrade Aranit will soon leave for a major conference on the protection of human rights. Comrade Ramiz will leave for New York. Will there be securities for Aranit?” THE CHRONICLER

On page 3, “USA - ’94” (continued on page 2)