An American Secretary of Defence visits Albania for the first time William Perry was born on 11 October 1927, is married and has five children. A Pentagon veteran, who has been a successful corporate executive in the defence industry, a mathematician and an educator, he is the 19th Secretary of Defence. Before taking up this post, Perry was one of President Bill Clinton’s military technology advisers, as well as Deputy Secretary of Defence under former Secretary of Defence Les Aspin. Perry holds the Army Distinguished Service Medal. He has been a member of the Foreign Affairs Advisory Board, of the Senate Committee on Intelligence’s technology review panel concerning the disclosure of information, and one of the officials of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Perry has twice received the Department of Defence’s “Distinguished Public Service” medal, in 1980 and 1981—the year in which he also— “I am the first American Secretary of Defence to set foot on free Albanian soil, while you are the first generation in nearly a century to serve and defend freedom and democracy on this land.” This is how American Secretary of Defence William Perry began his address to around 600 students and lecturers at the Military Academy. The visit by the American Secretary of Defence comes after Minister Zhulali’s successful visit to the Pentagon last month. Following very fruitful results, Secretary Perry’s return visit crowns the fruitful cooperation between the two countries in the field of defence. “I have come to Albania to bring a message on behalf of a nation that does not threaten its neighbours, where there are no common enemies and all nations respect human rights, independent states and secure borders. Albania has already embarked on this path by joining NATO’s Partnership for Peace initiative.” …ciar Carnegie for international peace. Perri has twice received the Department of Defense Medal for Distinguished Public Service, in 1981—the year the Federal Republic of Germany also awarded him the Knight Commander’s Cross. In 1982 France honored Perri with the title “Grand Officer of the National Order of Merit.” In his speech on taking office, Perri stressed that the Secretary of Defense must be a key member of the U.S. national security team. “...Albanian, while you are the first generation in almost this soil.” This is how U.S. Secretary of Defense William Perri began his address before around 600 students and instructors at the Army Military Academy, during his visit to Tirana as part of his tour of eight European countries. Before arriving in Tirana, he had been in Macedonia and Greece. William Perri arrived at Rinas yesterday at around 12:00 and then held a 30-minute meeting at the U.S. Embassy in Tirana. In the afternoon he reviewed the troops of the Army Academy. Minister Zhualli, last month at the Pentagon. Following the very fruitful results, U.S. Secretary Perri’s in the field of defense. behalf of our president, Bill Clinton, and the American people. This message is that the United States strongly support Albania’s equality and your efforts to carry out political and economic reform in the army, to serve democracy under civilian leadership,” Mr. Perri said, continuing: “We are determined to help Albania overcome the challenges it faces. We want a Europe in which all nations respect human rights, independent states, and ensure that conflicts...” Albania has now initiative.” He then paid tribute to the fallen at the National Martyrs’ Cemetery. According to the program, Secretary of Defense William Perri met with President Berisha late in the afternoon. U.S. Secretary of Defense Perri will hold a press conference for journalists today before leaving Albania to continue on to Turkey and then Sarajevo. Republica correspondent [The supplied text also contains a separate, interleaved article fragment:] “…and this designation did not prevent the former President Alia either: the Albanian people themselves, exhausted and trampled by the dictatorship and by the disappointment of many human qualities, certainly did not accept or allow fratricidal war.) Speaking only about the label ‘socialist,’ we believe that for Albanians it remains a mystery who designed this party, how many people were directly involved and how many were not, and why precisely this was to happen, ultimately anticipating an outcome that was not conversion, which prompted the Socialist International to take a disapproving position assemblies and at the Lisbon Congress. In following the course and development of the Socialist Party, one cannot fail to mention some important moments that were also its fundamental mistakes. The first meeting of the SP leadership made no statement at all about the ‘Enver Volunteers’ association, with the exception of one member of the leadership. - Immediately after the March 22 elections, the SP declared itself in favor - In the local government elections, the SP began to become active and even had former first secretaries of the PP, local government—people toward whom ordinary citizens had built up resentment. This happened precisely when the SP was presenting itself as a new party. - Quite a few intellectuals were also called into the SP leadership, people who genuinely aspired to European democratic socialism and had little or no connection with the bitter past, but strangely they were [text incomplete]. Photo: Armando Babani

On 15 July, the chairman of the PRSH, Mr Sabri Godo, visited the commune of Kelmend in Malësia e Madhe, accompanied by the chairman of the PR branch for the district, Mr Mark Doda; the chairman of the branch for Shkodër, Fejzulla Begani, and other people. Mr Godo met with the Commune Council in Tamarë, where the chairman, Gjik Alia, spoke about the commune’s progress under democracy, which had changed the villagers’ lives. He stressed that, because of natural difficulties, the commune faced serious economic hardship, with 74% of families receiving social assistance. The area’s Member of Parliament, Dod Kacaj, was also present at the meeting. Mr Godo, accompanied by all those mentioned, met with commune residents who had come from various villages to Qafa Brodo lecit. The meeting was opened by the Commune chairman, Mr Gjik Alia, who thanked Mr Godo for his visit. Addressing the villagers, Mr Godo said, among other things, that the highlands there are so beautiful that it would be difficult to find their equal even in Switzerland. But the fact that almost the majority live on social assistance is extremely troubling. Mr Godo cited three of Enver Hoxha’s total absurdities: the bunkers built on every height, the slogan “let us make the village flourish like the city,” and the other slogan, “let us make the mountains as fertile as the plains.” One result of these absurdities was that the village was kept in complete isolation and deep poverty for fifty years. These consequences cannot be eliminated in just two years, but ways out must be found. Social assistance became essential, but in any case it is charity that accompanies a person who wants to live with dignity and through his own honest work. The Republican Party sees the only way forward as increasing national production, with comprehensive support for our entrepreneurs. Private banks, financial policy, the legal framework, the fight against suffocating corruption and, above all, recognition of private property will pave the way for production, create jobs, and enable town and village to move towards reducing [poverty?] and taking their place in Europe. Otherwise, we will suffer prolonged poverty. Mr Godo spoke about several aspects of political life and focused especially on the Constitution. He said that, when presenting the Republican Party’s political platform for the Right Wing in Lezhë, he had called for the Constitution to be adopted by November of this year. I repeat (continued on page 2)

Today in Tirana This morning, the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, Mr Douglas Hogg, arrives in Tirana for an official one-day visit. On the first day of the visit, the Secretary of State will visit the BBC office in Tirana. During the visit he will meet Foreign Minister Serreqi and President Berisha, and in the evening will host a cocktail reception for dignitaries, members of the British community in Tirana and others. Douglas Hogg, a Conservative MP, is a Minister of State at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Born in 1945 and educated in London and Oxford, he worked as a barrister and journalist. From 1986 to 1989 he was an under-secretary at the Home Office, before becoming a Minister of State in the Department of Trade and Industry. Topics of Mr Hogg’s talks with Albanian officials will include bilateral relations, the situation in the Balkans and, in particular, Kosovo. Some time ago, Secretary of State Hogg visited Prishtina and Belgrade. On that occasion, there was much discussion of his mediation in connection with establishing dialogue between Kosovo and Belgrade. On Friday, Mr Hogg will travel by helicopter to Butrint, where he will take part in the inauguration of an agreement on archaeological excavations at Butrint between the British School at Rome and the Albanian Institute of Archaeology. Lord Rotscaild, a great admirer of archaeology, Prime Minister Meksi, the Albanian Minister of Culture, Foreign Minister Serreqi, etc., will also attend the signing ceremony. BBC journalists in Tirana and representatives of the local authorities will also be present. After the signing, Secretary of State Douglas Hogg will leave for Corfu. A. P

Newspaper “Elefterotipia”, 14.07.1994 - Is it possible that, while we always act in the same way, we have such serious problems with neighbouring countries? Perhaps serious self-criticism would help us correct some of our mistakes, the continuation of which will surely dramatically worsen the climate in the region. (Article by Niko Makridi, Honorary Ambassador) Our foreign-policy positions have recently become the subject of harsh criticism and comment by the foreign press and by governments, both friendly and unfriendly. It seems that foreigners either do not understand us, or that we are sincerely not pretending to be blindly narcissistic. In any case, the result is tantamount to national isolation, while at home we remain divided and intolerant. Our patriotism, with our months [sic], seems to be limited to tangents involving others, mass demonstrations with ethnic cries, and defacing our walls with slogans such as: “Macedonia is Greek,” “Hands off Northern Epirus,” etc. And as we teeter on the brink of economic bankruptcy, the obstacles of this policy threaten to paralyse us, while the dangers surrounding us are looking for pretexts. Despite the anxiety and indignation that most of us rightly feel, we find ourselves unable to explain why: a) although we are an equal member of the European Union, b) although we are also a member of the European Union, the international community and NATO, c) although we also have much evidence of our conduct within the CSCE, in which we participate actively, d) although we stood by and remained a better and more loyal ally of the USA, e) although we export around the planet, in proportion to our population, an especially unusual number [of something]. You are very much to blame, Mr Niko! Read this article by a Greek ambassador who seems to have spent quite a long time away from Athens. See how naive he has become after a long life as a servant of his state somewhere far from his homeland. He is puzzled as to why Greeks call southern Albania “Vorio Epir” when they have no territorial claims, something that gives rise to misunderstandings among Albanians. It is not the Albanians who misunderstand, but precisely the ambassador, who puts more faith in his masters’ diplomatic declarations that “Greece has no territorial claims against Albania” than in the heartfelt cry of thousands of Albanians: “Long live Vorio Epiri.” In fact, the ambassador is not quite as naive and kindly as he makes himself out to be. The point is that Greek power politics are not getting them anywhere with the Albanians, so they suggest proceeding by guile. (continued on page 3) You Are Very Much at Fault, has apparently spent so much time away from Athens. See how naïve of his own state somewhere far from his homeland. He is surprised that Greeks call southern Albania “Northern Epirus” misunderstand, but the ambassador himself, who believes his masters’ diplomatic statements that “Greece has no territorial claims against Albania” more than the heartfelt cry of thousands of Albanians: “Long live Northern Epirus!” In fact, the ambassador is not as naïve point is that Greek force-based policy is not working on the Albanians, and he proposes proceeding cunningly. Why? Why do the “allied friends”... (continues on page 3)

• A mystery weighs on the Albanian mind: Who founded the PS? • An artificially created fabrication becomes a source of serious blame No one can think that the PS is a party with substantial numbers and a sufficiently broad presence throughout the country. Ever since its future leadership decided at one of its congresses to call itself socialist, everyone understood that this political formation comprised the enormous former PP membership bloc, a significant group of blind communists, and a small group of reformers. Given this name, with an eclectic programme (as Western socialist as it is Eastern communist), and its now familiar composition—all of this ostensibly under the banner of defending simple communism at a time when the climate was favourable, and ultimately not as an argument against Greece—we are witnessing the opposite. Why? Why did not even this name avert it, nor, much less, former President Alia, the civil “friends” [sic]: the Albanian people themselves, exhausted and trampled by dictatorship and disillusioned by the loss of many human qualities, would under no circumstances accept or allow fratricidal conflict. Speaking only about the name “socialists,” we think that Albanians continue to be troubled by the mystery of who designed this party, how many people became involved with it directly and how many indirectly, and why this would happen in precisely this way, ultimately anticipating an outcome that would not be very pleasant. The creation of the so-called “Socialist Party” was not simply an isolated Albanian phenomenon; a number of countries in the former communist Eastern bloc carried out a similar conversion, which led the Socialist International to take a position of disapproval at the regional level at some of its most important assemblies and at the Lisbon Congress. In following the Socialist Party’s course and development, one cannot fail to mention several important moments that are also fundamental errors on its part. The first meeting of the PS leadership said nothing at all about the association “Enver’s Volunteers,” and even less about the activities of dictator E. Hoxha, with the exception of one member of the leadership. - Immediately after the 22 March elections, the PS declared in favour of early elections (it is natural that every party fights for power), even though many factors were working against it. - In the local-government elections, the PS began to mobilise and even had former PP first secretaries, former cooperative chairmen, former bureau secretaries, etc., as representatives in local government—people toward whom ordinary citizens had accumulated resentment. This happened precisely when the PS was presenting itself as a new party. - Quite a few intellectuals who genuinely aspire to European democratic socialism and have little or no connection with the bitter past were also invited into the PS leadership, but, strangely, they were (continued on page 2)

On Monday, the madwoman N appeared at the chief court, completely indifferent, moving along the former Stalin Boulevard for almost two hours. At 12:00 she climbed the steps of the Palace of Culture, opened a large bag, took out a pile of letters, with fish bread, and placed the letters PSD on the central façade. After two minutes she removed the letter D, put it in her bag with the other letters, and left. When the many onlookers began making numerous interpretations and guesses about her action, eight minutes later the madwoman stopped again at the scene, took out the letter D and put it back in place. After looking at it for a few moments, this time she removed the letter S and took it away for just two minutes. The letter-holder then put the S back in its place and, removing the D again, repeated this for 8 hours straight. This ritual continued for 48 hours, and at times the most persistent observers determined that the madwoman had left the sign PSD for 47 hours and 48 minutes, PS for 12 minutes, and PD for just 12 minutes. On Wednesday morning the madwoman stopped in front of Parliament, standing almost motionless, even displaying the guards stationed around her. At 10:00 the right-wing independence deputy Abdi Baleta appeared before her. Meanwhile, the madwoman whirled toward him, knocked him down and began kissing him like a madwoman. “Leave me alone,” the deputy shouted. “I have a mandate, I have immunity, I’m right-wing!” “I’d sacrifice myself for you! I’d sing your immunity’s praises! If you leave, the parties will leave too. Albania will be gone.” “Let me go, you’re suffocating me,” shouted the right-wing independence deputy. “And how could you suffocate? ... You suffocate here and come back to life in America. You come back to life in America and get killed in Pogradec. I’d eat your immunity!” After these words, Parliament’s guards came over and, with considerable effort, managed to separate them. “Arrest her,” said Baleta. “You can’t do anything to me,” the madwoman replied. “I have immunity. I’m not responsible. We both have immunity.” THE CHRONICLER

Politics and the state Page 3 Assembly or referendum—a political-constitutional necessity Page 2 Albanian-American cooperation in the field of Defence Page 3

On 25 July 1994, at 10:00, the National Council of the Albanian Republican Party will meet in the Hall of the National History Museum in Tirana.