Violence as a means of governing belongs to regimes that oppose the people, after coming to power in one way or another. Violence can also be used by a democracy when a minority seeks to impose itself on the majority by unlawful means. In judging the hunger strike of the Association of Former Political Prisoners, our authorities, in their explanations, claim to have acted precisely on the idea and duty of protecting the majority against the aggressiveness of a minority. This is simply demagoguery or, at best, wholly unacceptable political naivety. All the political parties, associations and leaders of religious faiths in Albania declared themselves against the use of violence. The Democratic Party was the only force that sought a violent solution and implemented it through its government. The Democratic Party thought that the mandate of March 22, 1992 gave it the right to act in the name of the majority. But everyone in Albania knows that the Democratic Party received that mandate mainly through the support of the Association of Former Political Prisoners, the Property with Justice Association, the Association of Former Kulaks, and people connected with religious faiths. This was the most committed contingent, which voted entirely for democracy—or, more accurately, for the Democratic Party, which led the struggle to overthrow communist rule. If this contingent did not approve the use of violence against the hunger strike, it means that the Democratic Government cannot invoke the mandate of March 22 to justify the decision it made on this occasion. The Democratic Government did not consult at all even the opinion of the parties in the coalition. Since last July 25, the Republican Party has repeatedly stated that it is categorically opposed to violence against the association. On August 10, the Social Democratic Party expressed the same view. Thus, the Government did not take into account the opinion of the most cohesive part of the electorate and of the coalition parties. Nor did it take into account the opinion of several other forces, such as Balli Kombëtar, Legaliteti and the Right-Wing Democratic Party, which, although taking a very firm position toward the Government, have not called for its overthrow or for early elections. Finally, a democratic government must also review the unlawful decision that the Tirana Court issued against the Association of Former Political Persecutees. Even today I declare that there is no law in Albania prohibiting a hunger strike. Then how do you explain your arrest? “I see the house arrest as a blow against the Association, as an ill-intentioned attempt to push the association out of the picture, to strike at all former political prisoners, now that their association has left the DP’s orbit.” So you are talking about a complete divorce between the DP and the Association? “The DP has a diabolical aim, and it is likely that soon the DP will form a small, moderate faction of the persecuted. Especially since the former political persecutees have now politically abandoned—now completely abandoned—their trust in the DP.” Nevertheless, President Berisha promised that the Government would respect the status of former persecutees. “President Berisha promotes na yone. That’s what they say, like the rain after the harvest. I am currently preparing an article about his position.” There are some hunger strikers who now claim that Azem Hajdari’s joining the strike was deliberate, to sabotage it. “That is a completely absurd opinion expressed by incompetent people. Hajdari’s action was not merely joining the strike, but a great sacrifice. He has now given up all the privileges he enjoyed.” Is it true that the hunger strikers in Shkodër had weapons and fired at the police, as stated in the Ministry of Public Order’s announcement? “This reminds me of the Labour Party’s tactics: they would plant weapons in our churches and then say that the clergy were collaborating with the enemy. As you have seen, it was declared that the hunger strikers in Shkodër and Vlorë did not fire guns.” There is an opinion that your hunger strike did not resonate with the rest of the people. “That was also said on television for propaganda purposes. I can tell you that our strike was supported by the Catholic, Muslim and Orthodox clergy. We even received a greeting from Albanians in America, which shows that our strike resonated beyond Albania’s borders too.” Will the strike continue? “I personally am still on strike here at my home. I don’t have much information about the others. But I think many others will do the same. They have nothing to lose.” Mr. Kola, you are 57 years old and perhaps it is difficult for you to follow these events vigorously. “I am indeed somewhat tired, and I now also have the flu. But these are no reason for me to give up my role as chairman of the Association of Former Political Persecutees.” GJERGJ PILIKA

the opinion of the open opposition, in our case the Socialist Party. For its own vile purposes, this party too, which bears the legacy of communist persecution, came out in defence of the Association. Thus, a careful examination of the political landscape created by the strike shows that the Democratic Government was left without any external support on the path it followed. From this it follows naturally that, deliberately or unwittingly, the Government acted not in the name of the majority, but in its own defence. A government that follows such a path is called into question, especially when it behaves irresponsibly in addressing people’s suffering. Moving from general political considerations to a practical examination of events, we note that a sense of isolation—or megalomania—led the authorities to struggle against the association using a wholly improper and anti-democratic strategy that can be summed up in three words: discredit, division, violence. The discrediting began in the final minutes before the strike, when the Government declared that the Association’s demands amounted to three years’ worth of the budgets for defence, education, etc. Meeting the Association’s demands would impoverish the suffering Albanian people. There is malice in this. All those who have no sick or persecuted relatives may say: why should we pay, what’s it to us? With such a statement, the Government may win over part of public opinion, but it cannot forget that until 10 days ago it repeated on every occasion that its primary duty was to restore [text continues in next fragment]

their homes, since they lived in the court building. The Democratic Government had made this clear until 10 days ago, and this was the right course and direction for the Albanian state and society; today, however, the people are told that the Association is seeking to penalize them with its demands. Does it serve the country, democracy and national unity to turn the rest of the people against the Association of Former Political Prisoners? And how true is it that their demands are punitive? Thousands of members of the association can attest that they have received nothing except social assistance, which is not even enough for bread. It must be explained where the foreign aid intended for the association has gone, as well as the aid provided by the state itself. Everything must be clarified and the two written [items/accounts?] examined so that the amount demanded for the next two years can be reduced. In the absence of convincing accounts of the past, the Association has turned around and presented the Government with the deficits calculated under laws decreed by the Government itself, and is now asking it for 250 million dollars. Are the 250 million dollars taxable [the text is unclear; some say 150 million], and how much can realistically be covered through fair privatization? This murky situation is being used to denounce the Association to the people, just as it is indirectly blamed for exhumations and burials, when it is well known that everything was done with the active participation of parliamentary and government figures. Stopping and correcting mistakes in this matter is right, but how can the official authorities openly shift their responsibility onto the association? Socially? Division was sought through statements that there were 300 hunger strikers in the whole country. To be truthful, more than 300 people registered for the strike in Durrës alone. It was declared that some of the hunger strikers were former State Security agents or ordinary criminals and did not have persecuted-person status. But state institutions themselves share responsibility for issuing the certificates. And on what basis were their files opened, when Parliament has not yet made any decision about the files? Apparently, government approval of one’s biography is required in order to go on strike. It was said that the leaders were linked to certain foreign centres. If that is true, the intelligence services

should have stated and proven this before the strike began, since that is why they are paid by the people: to prevent anti-state actions. Division was also sought through “disassociation” statements by some ministry employees. It is a good thing these acts of distancing did not spread to district branches, because then they would have repeated, in fuller form, some memories of the past. As for groups of MPs, some would do well to come out and say that they have not been more persecuted than the average Albanian. To achieve complete division, perhaps soon we will also see the creation of some new association to promote the policy, and that would be the end of it. As for the violence, events have been presented as though the strikes were ended and dispersed without anyone laying a hand on anyone or saying a word to anyone. But there are veterans among the former prisoners who still bear wounds sustained when the strikes were violently broken up; some have even been maimed. Many have been threatened and summoned to police stations. In some districts, the strikers were forcibly moved from one place to another, even driven into hiding, like the first Christians in ancient Rome. This unprecedented pursuit of the strikers began as a spontaneous crackdown by people intoxicated with power, and was then brought to a conclusion with a judicial farce that will remain a stain on the Albanian justice system for a long time. In general, public information has not been accurate. For example, it is entirely untrue that they fired weapons in Vlorë. The authorities chose denigration,

Tomorrow in Tirana The trial that begins tomorrow is not merely a trial in which the Albanian judiciary will try five people accused of espionage; it is also a trial in which Albania puts Greece on trial. A trial that will show the world and the Albanians what Greece is. For this reason, this trial will be fought over and politicized, and every effort will be made to turn public attention, especially foreign attention, toward other events in Albania and away from the trial. Or at the very least, there will be an attempt to ensure that information about the course of the trial conforms to Greek tastes. In this trial, which for most people will be more difficult than the major trials held recently, the consolidation of democracy in Albania will be put to the test. This time, pressure on the court will be many times greater than in the other trials held recently. Because this concerns a trial of a state, of an entire nation. Greece’s “genuine concern” for its compatriots in Albania will be put on trial. The whole of Greece’s propaganda to date about “the truth of the Greek minority in Albania” will also be put on trial. The world’s interest in the Greeks of southern Albania, stirred up and inflated by the Greeks, will now be turned against them. Thanks to the Greeks, this trial will attract many journalists, who will form their own opinion about the situation of the Greek minority in Albania, and the Greek version of the truth will no longer dominate the Western media. That is why Greece does not want this trial. It does not want this trial to be open, as Albanian justice would have it. It is not concerned about the fate of the five members of its own nation, and more… ...concerning the figures. Halting and correcting the official authorities openly shirk their social responsibility? An attempt was made to sow division with claims To tell the truth, alone. It was claimed that some of the hunger strikers were former Sigurimi agents or ordinary criminals and did not enjoy the status of persecuted persons. But state institutions also bear part of the their files opened, when it is known that Apparently, government approval of one’s background is required in order to go on hunger strike. It was said that the leaders were connected to certain foreign centers. If that is true, the intelligence services... 4) In cooperation with the association, the program for compensation and indemnification of former political prisoners up to March 1966 should be revised, hunger strike may end at all the sites, but the spiritual strike continues and extends beyond the Association. This deeply disturbing event for society and the country’s political stability demands attention and a heightened sense of responsibility. We are dealing with the development of democracy, which cannot be built on doubtful foundations and may be further divided through trampling on it, at a time when it must necessarily be united against internal and external dangers. We must rise above ourselves to escape the heated course that is carrying us away. Correcting mistakes step by step is not failure, but progress toward the people who elected you, who value justice and courage above all else. Many things will be more difficult than those will be put to the test. This time, the during the trials of the former members of the Block and former Prime Minister Nano. This time, the Albanian judiciary will not be under pressure only from narrow party and clan interests. This time, the pressure on it will cross state borders. The pressure will come not only from Greece, but also from its Western proponents. In held as Albanian justice will conduct it—openly; it is not concerned about the fate of five members of its own nation and would much rather agree to a closed trial, away from public scrutiny, a trial that would decide the fate of these five unfortunate people. What terrifies Greece is precisely the fact that the trial will be open and fair, because then Greece will be in the foreground. The five accused will be in the background. arben popoci

1) Withdraw the denigrating accusations against the Association and stop actions aimed at dividing it, giving it every opportunity to return to its normal work at the centre and in the regions. All forms of persecution of strike participants must cease. If any individual is found to have been involved in anti-state activity, they should be prosecuted under the law like any other citizen, without artificially linking them to the strike, which belonged to the entire association. 2) Document all cases of violence against the hunger strikers and hold those responsible criminally accountable. Responsibility must first be sought within the Government. 3) Review the laws and regulations on strikes inherited from the former communist parliament, formulating them unambiguously and in full accordance with the charter on fundamental human rights and freedoms. 4) In cooperation with the association, draw up a programme of compensation and indemnification for former political prisoners for the period up to March 1966, making the necessary changes to the privatization strategy. The physical hunger strike can be supported in all vitrat, but

Kurt Kola, now under house arrest, says he is continuing the hunger strike After voluntarily remaining for seven days on hunger strike at the premises of the Association of Former Political Persecutees, Kurt Kola, the association’s chairman, is once again in isolation. This time he is at his home, under police guard, as the police enforce a decision by the district prosecutor’s office placing him under house arrest. Speaking by telephone, Kurt Kola described how he was arrested. “At around 7:00 (that is, five hours after the police had taken the hunger strikers out), I was going to the Association’s premises to meet some of its other leaders. At the door, several police officers came out to meet me and told me I had to report to Police Station No. 1. They escorted me there and kept me until 3:00 in the afternoon, when they informed me of the Tirana prosecutor’s decision to place me under house arrest.” The charge: decision.” Do you accept this charge? “In my case, it is illegal, because I am being accused of ... the illegal no law in Albania that prohibits you from going on hunger strike.”

Press conference by the Albanian and Bosnian foreign ministers Bosnia is facing an unjust war imposed by brutal Serbian aggression. The two countries have a shared future in the Balkans and should coordinate their diplomatic activity and further raise the level of their relations, where considerable opportunities for untapped cooperation still exist—these were the joint conclusions of the two foreign ministers, Alfred Serreqi and Irfan Ljubjanqik. At the start of their remarks, Bosnian Foreign Minister Ljubjanqik and Albanian Foreign Minister Serreqi expressed their pleasure at the meeting. The two ministers went on to express their mutual satisfaction with their closely aligned positions on developments in the region, resolving the Yugoslavia problem and the Kosovo problem, as well as both sides’ interest in deepening cooperation. Journalists’ interest focused on the latest peace plan for Bosnia and the possibility of lifting the arms embargo for the Bosnian side. After concluding that the arms embargo violates all international norms because it denies the Bosnians their legitimate right to self-defence, Foreign Minister Ljubjanqik expressed the Bosnian position: they would never reject any peaceful plan put forward, but at the same time they do not expect anyone to go and die for their freedom, which they themselves would defend even in the face of Western declarations and actions; and if the arms embargo were lifted, they would withdraw their peacekeeping troops

Henry Kissinger: DIPLOMACY Page 3 The consequences of the Cham displacement are looming Page 3 Customs that bring us shame Page 3 So far, the West has abandoned its historic opportunity Page 4 Van der Stoel will visit

histork [?] Page 4 Van der Shtoel will visit Athens and Tirana As the trial of the five people accused of treason approaches, Grecia is intensifying its activity in connection with this case. Thus, Greece’s permanent mission to the UN has circulated a statement concerning the trial of the members of the minority and announced that on August 25 the High Commissioner for Minorities, Van der Shtoel, will arrive in Athens and will then travel to Tirana.

“The news is important,” said the madwoman in Tirana. “The Albanian Cultural Center has opened in the middle of Athens. The Greek government made it possible for this center to open. But why doesn’t the Albanian government deny it? Why don’t the Albanian government and Minister Anagnosti open a Greek center? This does not serve to expose the bloodshed. Who pays and who profits? If you bear responsibility for the great demonstrations by ignorant monks in the city, as a candidate, the Greeks will erect a monument to Ali Pasha Tepelena. The European Committee would pay for it.” “It was not denied in Albania,” said the madwoman, “and it will grow in the first days of September. The authorities know their own business well—the ministers’, the editors-in-chief’s, the broadcasters’ and the businessmen’s. Don’t you see,” she continued, “they are back in their offices; they have changed their smiles and their vocabulary. No witnesses from Greece will testify at tomorrow’s trial. We are innocent. Why are we the only spies in Albania? What about those with medals who are ruining the Albanian state? If the comrades to be tried tomorrow are not proclaimed martyrs of the Albanian cause, they will be guilty. One of the neighboring embassies will host a spies’ cocktail party on Tuesday afternoon. Everyone is invited to attend... The invitees know. No evidence is needed. to attend... The invitees know. No evidence is needed. “High temperatures after September,” said the madwoman. “After the 1st, temperatures will fall. A scorching August. Have you forgotten the hunger strike? Protests against staged trials, against political trials, are not accepted at weddings and by married people? The party of sinners. In dark red ink. Wasn’t it ours? Free our brothers.” THE CHRONICLER