The head of the Janina Secret Service, Andrea Zarbakulla, although physically present, has now become the most important and most frequently mentioned figure in the courtroom where the trial of the five defendants of Greek ethnicity and Albanian citizenship is taking place. Zarbakulla is now being talked about in all the media. He is present everywhere this trial is discussed. This is an extremely unusual case, in which a state’s secret service appears so openly. Zarbakulla and his tools established connections and carried out activities in a completely open manner. In short, it must be said that the Greek Secret Service was not secret at all in this case. The minority defendants responded in the same way. They demonstrated their activities in Albania quite openly. As soon as they crossed the Albanian border, they went in and out through the doors of the Greek Secret Service. It was precisely the Greek ASFALIA that appeared from time to time, even under the names of institutes. Everything, then, passed through the secret service’s filter. ASFALIA was so present in the lives of these defendants that, at the end of his explanations, defendant Sirmou said: “Once you cross the border, you go to ASFALIA—where else would you go?” During the hearings of the last two days, the questioning of witnesses began. “We went to Sebastianos,” Nikollë Pepaj said in his testimony, “but we didn’t go so that he could persuade us; we were the ones ...” The testimony of OMONIA chairman S. Soti Qirizati was received with great interest. The first part of his demagogic speech was interrupted by the presiding judge: “I live with the government,” the most compromised person in this trial insulted us. He stated that he had asked the government in Athens for money and expressed dissatisfaction that they had not given him as much as he needed. (He requested 200 million drachmas on one occasion alone.) “Spend freely on the election campaign; don’t worry, we have no money problems,” Konduri Bezhani told him. “How many people have you met at ASFALIA?” the prosecutor asked. “I’ve met everyone. We met as people,” Bezhani replied, glancing sideways at the defendants, at the head of whom he himself should have been. After Qirizati, the witnesses Makariadhi, Ndriço, Barka, Agron Beqiri, Kristaq Nasho, Dhimitër Caka and Dhimitër Qiqi came before the panel of judges. “Zarbakulla is a hero,” Dhimitër Qiqi said in his testimony. That may be so for the Qiqis. But the Greek Secret Service’s crude game, the money poured out without restraint by the Greek state, the supply of weapons, and other elements compromise the Greek state not only before Albanians, but before world public opinion as a whole. “Republika” correspondent

The 24-year-old Ormen Gjoku is killed The anti-Albanian front—comprising the Greek state and its structures, political parties (in Greece), the Greek media (also in Greece), ultranationalist circles, and the Greek Church—now includes its most tragic element: the criminal extermination of Albanian young men, which also shocks Greek citizens who were there and witnessed the incident. Ormen Gjoku is not the first victim in recent days. Terror reigns for Albanian refugees on the streets of Athens and other cities. Special Greek police patrols appear to have been ordered to open fire without warning on innocent Albanians. The killing of Ormen Gjoku comes after the killing of a citizen from Burrel and the wounding of two others several days ago. A. DALIPI (Athens)

Five Greeks from Albania, who have tried to evade the obligation to be Albanian citizens and to assist extreme Greek nationalism, do not constitute a new political phenomenon, especially in the Balkan countries, which are so deeply entangled with one another. In this vigorous effort by Albanians to integrate into a different era, it was natural that such orientations would arise. The trial against them is a new, humane dimension of today’s Albanian society and of the Albanian state’s political tolerance, because instead of using analogous extreme methods to eliminate this virus that threatens the integrity of our homeland, it is using democratic methods of European standards, courageously demonstrating its desire to build Albania differently from now on. I say this because the experience of our neighbouring states—perhaps placing Greece at the top of the list—is such that, when these kinds of phenomena occur, they use physical terror and concealed crime to eliminate them; Tirana, by contrast, chose an open trial, with [unclear in source] percent of the courtroom occupied by people of the defendants. This effort by the Albanian state to boldly take perhaps other modest steps before the world, further in Greek ...; while the institution? ... of the ruling party and ... restore people’s faith in themselves and in the Homeland. Our opposition on the left of the political spectrum, which seriously claims to seek power, is testing the Albanian electorate with an entirely anti-Albanian stance, going even further than the Greek Communist Party, which, in order to defend Athens’s lost honour, agreed to join a front with Greece’s right wing against Tirana. The political attacks on the present government and the institution of the Court from within the country are framed as attacks coming from moderate poles of politics opposed to the emergence of Albanian political extremism. Placing them under the same political label, such a declaration would be half-believable if, in the same tone, it also denounced the emergence of Greek national extremism, which provokes and insults in broad daylight in Tirana, stages scenes of violence on Greek television, and speaks of people being threatened in Tirana in temples? ... [unclear] ... the present government, which comes from the Democratic Party, according to [unclear] at 43 degrees and wearing overcoats [?], calls for tanks to head for Tirana and, according to its economic potential, sets in motion all the Greek factions in the Albanian and foreign press to sell Europe the crime as moderation. All this has happened in recent weeks, including this week, when the political leaders Ceka and Hajdaraga also made statements. Their political opposition has positioned itself against a state governed by law, while their public statements and the leaders of political forces ranging from the centre to the left are attacking the country’s political state. Meanwhile, an almost unbelievable alignment with the great chorus of Greek nationalists, the political actions of the PS and the Democratic Alliance are in themselves another new dimension in the fate of Albanian nationalism. In all the practices of political life, the opposition generally plays the nationalist card as an extreme way to achieve its aims and reduce its political credibility. They ... [the following passage is garbled in the source] ... to eliminate it; while Tirana sets in motion happened in recent weeks, this week, when the two political leaders, Çeka and Hajdaraga, were mentioned. Their political opposition and their claim to be moderate parties thus play another major card, revealing not merely an extreme form of extremism in themselves, one that crosses the bounds of what is called Albanian extremism and joins Greek nationalism, which, to tell the truth, is now the model of national extremism in Europe and perhaps beyond. This first alignment on the political plane is a move that could never be made without careful consideration. A major political party such as the Socialist Party has in its ranks, besides the legacy of its former communist internationalists, people who, for Sh- (continued on page 2)

Photo: Armando Babani Greek Ambassador Kristos Saliqis following the court testimony hearing.

In the sessions “We wrote to Sebastianos,” said Nikollë Pepaj in his testimony, “but we did not go so that Correspondent of “Republika” Thousands of refugees deported from Greece Yesterday, too, according to the regular program of the Greek police, a large number of Albanian emigrants arrived at the border crossing points of Kapshticë and Kakavijë. Within two days, the number of deported emigrants exceeded 5,000. Meanwhile, the Minister of Public Order, Stelios Papethemelis, said that he was ready to launch an operation that would extend to the very last Albanian living in Greece. Reliable sources report that the mistreatment of refugees has begun. Ormen Gjo(u)ku has been deported: 24-year-old Ormen Gjoku, from Tepelena (the village of Turan), whom the Greek police brutally killed without any cause 48 hours ago in one of Athens’s neighborhoods. The 24-year-old Albanian, carrying valid documents, suddenly encountered a hail of gunfire from a Greek police commando as he was walking in the evening in Nikanera. The sudden killing, according to eyewitnesses, The youngest victim of this front is in Nikanera. The sudden killing, according to eyewitnesses, The anti-Albanian Greek front, the Greek state and its structures before the incident. Ormen Gjoku is not the first victim of these days. Terror reigns over Albanian refugees in patrols searching the streets of Greek cities, ultranationalist circles, the Greek church, are now taking part in the most tragic phase: the criminal extermination of Albanian men working in Greece. Correspondent of Republika Against innocent Albanians, following of others several days ago. A. DALIPI (Athinё)

Regarding the hunger strike of former political prisoners Interview with the deputy chairman of PRSH, FATMIR MEDIU - The PR expressed its support for the hunger strikers from the moment their demands were formulated and the Government began to hesitate. Nevertheless, at first, you said that dialogue could be achieved... - The PR’s position has never involved, and will never involve, any kind of hesitation regarding support for the politically persecuted. From the beginning, the PR has stated that it is ready to make every effort, and that this must happen in order for the Government to engage in genuine reflection. We have said this before. For a long time, what happened will remain indelible, and we will feel ashamed of the brutal punishment we inflicted on the politically persecuted. It is unacceptable that the Government should allow itself to strike and insult, with irresponsible statements, that part of society which suffered most under dictatorship and communism, and which loved and gave the most for democracy. Through our official statement, we have called for those who used and ordered the use of violence to be prosecuted in accordance with the law. The PR has always taken a correct position regarding political denunciation, and as to its extent. From an economic-logical perspective, the demands were manageable. Responsibility could have been established for the weaknesses observed in relations with this group. In our view, that would have been the basis for dialogue. - As members of the governing coalition, you often spoke out about the Government’s statements. And then...? - The PR is part of the Government, and perhaps it is unnecessary to repeat our real position in this government. We have stated it been the basis for dialogue. - about the Government’s statements. And then...? - We have stated it prosecuted in accordance with the law. Opinion about the strike and its demands differed among parties and various political forces. Was it only for political gain? Could the PR, for example, have remained silent about this strike? - In moments of political conflict and tension, it is natural that different parties and political forces have fought, and will fight, to gain political capital. This also explains the position of the PS, or of some other political force, which includes a large number of persecuted people among its ranks. They want to fuel these conflicts. It is shameful of TVSH to broadcast the PS statement in support of the strike while keeping silent about the positions and statements of other parties, such as the PR. It remains for them to correct themselves. And as for which part of power falls within the corpus of minority rights. This includes the very (continued on page 2)

In the trial against five members of the Greek minority accused of espionage and illegal possession of weapons, the list of discharged officers who were members of the Greek minority in Albania is also frequently mentioned as evidence. The lists of discharged officers, compiled for Greek intelligence purposes, are now being presented as a list of officers prepared to prove to Commissioner Van der Shtoel the discrimination against the Greek minority in Albania. [unreadable fragment] The participation of a national minority in a country’s army is no indication whatsoever of discrimination. No international body can be expected to interfere in a country’s security affairs. No one can dictate to any state how it organizes its own defense. How many Greeks will the Albanian army have, and how many women? Whether there will be an army at all is not something Greece or any international organization can tell us. And as for which part of government falls within the scope of minority rights: this includes only local government. No military, police, diplomatic or ministerial service can be required to employ people on the basis of Van der Shtoel’s designation. The leaders of Omonia accused of espionage surely know this well. Even if they themselves do not know it, their advisers at the “Institute of Voron-Epirote Studies” in Janina surely do. But, caught red-handed, they spin tales about Van der Shtoel. Arben Popoci Caricature of the Greek parliament building and its characters; the inscriptions inside the image are partly illegible.

“Bosnia is not alone” With the Ambassador of Bosnia in Tirana Page 3 The Molotov–Ribbentrop Agreement Page 3 On the establishment of the Diaspora Bank Page 2 There is something we should learn from Greece Page 4

On August 25, 1994, at 10:00, a meeting of the chairmen of the PR branches in the districts will be held at the PRSH Central Headquarters, with the agenda: “Progress of the district conferences and the 2nd PR Conference.”

“Omonia will take the PBDNJ to court,” shouted the madwoman N of the capital in front of Hotel Dajti. The Albanian parties will split. Some will defend Omonia, others PBDNJ. Whether PBDNJ wins a case or OMONIA wins, the Albanian parties that oppose one another—some with OMONIA, some with PBDNJ (neither with Albania)—will come out winners. “Not because the money comes from the same hand,” said the madwoman, “nor because OMONIA and PBDNJ are one and the same, but so that the Albanian parties will tear into one another.” “Declares a state of siege,” said the madwoman. All the freeloaders, Zar Bakullian and the professors who have taken seats in ministers’ chairs will receive new appointments. As for some of our deputies, there will be a special [unclear] in Janina, to their amusement. “Did you hear?” said the madwoman. “Half the Greek newspapers have protested against Andrea Zarbakulla. There has been no protest about Leon Hajdaraga. Greece has used up all its democratic means against the Albanians,” said the madwoman on Saturday afternoon at the livestock market. “Now it’s the tanks’ turn. Where are the tanks?” “They’ll come,” replied a deputy whose moustache resembled that of Nder Legisist. “The Greek tanks will come through Tepelena,” shouted a man who, together with the madwoman N, was said to be a Nobel actor. “Scoundrels!” cried the madwoman, hurrying along the promenade. “Mercenaries! Why so many mercenaries? A hundred times mercenaries! You’ve made a mess in Greece and conceal it behind your titles—professors, party chairmen, deputies. Why don’t you burst into flames? A tender to become a minister!” she continued. “Announce a tender to become a minister! The only requirement is for the candidate to have a face like all the current tenders. Where are the ASFALIA offices?” she shouted in the evening, pretending to be at the currency market. “We are from ALENCES...” a group of money changers replied. “I’ll announce a tender for an ambassador too,” she said. “Tomorrow.” At midnight, her screams could be heard at the door. “Mercenaries!”