The Albanian left and the rule of law Tomorrow, at the Tirana Court, the prosecutor’s closing submission will be delivered concerning the five citizens of Greek origin. The tension with which Athens is provoking the delivery of this submission is being further aggravated by grandiose promises about the future of Albanian justice, made by Albanian politicians who have spiritually prepared themselves to take power. The tolerant dimension of the Albanian state, which is trying to channel Greek aggression against Albania into legal structures, is being dispersed. Albania presented as temporary One of the Socialist leaders, Hadaraga, in his openly unconstitutional statement, promises Greeks on television that, once his Party takes power, it will once again impose the dictate of politics over the court and influence the decisions it makes. Many Albanian citizens, who may not be concerned by the tension with Greece because of material and spiritual interests they may have there, are now being confronted with a rare promise about the future of their lives under the Albanian rule of law: the subordination of justice to politics. This is being offered as a promise by an opposition leader concerning an issue that affects the interests of the country he dreams of leading more than those of his party. Even if one excludes from this confrontation the part of the Albanian electorate irritated by the anti-Albanian nature of this statement, its political aspect still cannot be overlooked, as it touches on broader interests beyond nationalist emotions. First and foremost, it affects the new structures of the Albanian state governed by the rule of law, which, although still incomplete because the state is being structured, are nevertheless promising for a modern state. Those politicians who try to come to power by promising to destroy these structures from the ground up, dreaming of a great overthrow like that of December ’90, confuse dictatorship with democracy, or their former professions with that of a politician. From now on, Albania cannot be built by creating “new eras,” but by creating new administrations. The promise to release people from prison as soon as the Socialist Party takes power also touches on the essence of the new outlook that Albanian citizens must develop toward politics and the state going forward. To create the idea that everything that happens in Albania is temporary, and that every advance made in restructuring the state will be overturned, is to create a sense of insecurity among citizens and keep political tension in the country alive—a ready-made offer for destabilization at any moment. This situation suits our southern and northern neighbours more than the release of five prisoners after an open and very tolerant trial. It suits them more than the return of Albanian emigrants working in Greece, who in any case help Albania less than they help Greece. This is precisely the most dangerous core of Hadaraga’s irresponsible statement, and precisely why, as an Albanian citizen, the Socialist Party’s declarations should concern me, if they truly respect what is being built in Albania, so that I can feel at ease about my country’s future. The fate of five Greek-minority wrongdoers in Albania does not matter to me more than the fate of the rule of law in Albania, which may be determined by the promises Albanian opposition leaders make about those five. An attempt to extinguish Albanian religious tolerance Since religious tolerance is a national priority for Albanians in relation to Greeks, MERO BAZE (continued on page 4)

Tomorrow at the Tirana court , the Prosecution will ask the trial panel to impose sentences on the five minority defendants. It should be said from the outset that the facts on which the case against the five defendants was built encompass a very broad range of culpability. This culpability goes far beyond the limits of the citizenship stated in their passports. An aircraft taking off from Corfu tried to place the blame inside Albania. By sending hundreds of thousands of refugees back, they are trying to place the blame inside Albania. But the opposite is happening: both of these things reinforce the prosecution’s case. They prove that the five accused are nothing but puppets in a failed ancient drama, in which even wooden horses were not lacking. If two [sic] the trial panel is to be asked to determine the sentence. If the prosecutors try to be as fair and accurate as possible. Although Albanians have not forgotten the years of chauvinism, provocations, purges, killings and burnings, tomorrow they will be fair. Although provocations, purges, killings and abuses continue savagely even today, this too is one more reason for the prosecutors to be fair. Tomorrow the law will demand a sentence for the five Greek spies. But tomorrow the anti-law—the Greek state, Greek blindness—will demand hundreds, perhaps thousands, of Albanian refugees. It may send them back naked, beaten and mutilated. Thus anti-law will respond to “law.” Thus Greekness will respond to Albanians. There is another decision, a decision of the Albanian spirit, which will not be discussed in this trial. Everyone—not only southern Albania, which has always had the Greek border close at hand—is experiencing a new awakening of national pride and dignity. Poverty cannot be exchanged for your country, for your nation.

Zef Brozi: “Our Constitution will rank with dignity among the European constitutions” (read on page 2) The Constituent Assembly will express the people’s will more broadly... It combines not only the will expressed in ’92 through the election of deputies, but also today’s political will and the political balances today in various districts. If the Constitution is not adopted, this does not mean that the current provisions will cease to be in force. Those who think that Albania, with the constitutional provisions it has today, is not a democratic country are neither realistic nor well-intentioned. Those who think that Albania, with the new constitution it will adopt tomorrow, will rise to the pinnacle of democracy are not realistic either; the same applies to the former [provisions], because the current constitutional provisions meet European standards. I think that, since we have referred to the constitutions of other countries, we have no right to say that our Constitution will be the best in the world, nor do we have the right to say that it will be the worst among these constitutions. From a forward-looking perspective, it is in the interest of every political force to create the best constitution possible.

Yesterday alone, by 3:00 p.m., 1,736 people had been returned Mistreated and stripped… The forced return of Albanian refugees from Greece continues. Yesterday, according to Ludmilla Pajo, spokesperson for the Ministry of Public Order, by 3:00 p.m. a total of 1,736 refugees had been returned: 920 at Kapshticë, 790 at Kakavijë and 26 at Sarandë. There had been no reports of mistreatment, but the previous evening, on August 26, a Greek bus brought 50 refugees to Kakavijë stripped, without shoes and without trousers, who entered Albanian territory walking barefoot. Among them, in an even more serious condition, was Albanian citizen Pandeli Loni Rama, born and resident in Frashër, Fier, who had been mistreated by the Greek police. He was shot at from a distance by the police, captured, held underwater in Pogradec by police in Korjatica for several hours, and severely beaten with wooden batons and kicked. He is now admitted to the hospital in the town of Bilisht. After prompt medical treatment, he is out of danger. Greek police deported a couple, refusing to let them fetch their four-year-old son. The couple was deported along with thousands of Albanian emigrants. Despite their insistence that they be allowed to go home to get their son, Greek police would not let them. The couple had been working legally in Greece.

Interview with Mr. Jonaton Eyall, director of the Royal United Services Institute and specialist in Balkan affairs. — Mr. Eyall, political analysts and commentators here in the West see Kosovo heading into conflict in April and beyond. What is your opinion on this? — Yes, we have predicted several times before that conflict would break out in Kosovo, but it has not happened. It is more certain that, in the longer term, Kosovo will face the significance of the challenge Serbia will confront. Kosovo is a typical example of why Serbia cannot become a homogeneous and stable state if it continues to hold on to Kosovo. — You say there has still been no conflict; could Serbia cope with another conflict as well? — I think it has not happened yet because the Serbian government has made that breakaway issue a knot, even if they wait a little longer; and there is also a prevailing belief in Serbia that the West is absolutely not interested in seeing any territorial change in this region. Meanwhile, the official Western position remains that Kosovo should remain within Serbia, but, of course, with a different political status. Another factor that has helped avert conflict is that the West, and especially the United States, have placed a certain amount of pressure on the Albanian government not to intervene in this conflict. Finally, the conflict in Kosovo has not happened because, from the Serbian perspective, the more immediate and important war has been the one in Croatia and Bosnia. So what has happened so far is that the conflict has been postponed for a long time, but it has never been forgotten. — In recent months there has been speculation about secret negotiations between Albanian representatives from Kosovo and representatives of the Serbian regime. Do you think negotiations are the only way to solve the Kosovo problem? — Unfortunately, negotiations are not the only way that can lead to a solution to the Kosovo problem. In the Balkans, problems have usually not been solved through negotiations, and this is one of the tragedies of the region. However, it seems that there has been a change in opinion—not in the Belgrade government, but among some intellectuals. We must not forget that some Serbian nationalists now also accept that it would be impossible to keep Kosovo, together with the Albanians, while at the same time creating a unified Serbian state. In Serbia, particularly among Belgrade’s intellectual circles, a debate has begun about a solution that would allow the Albanians independence, while granting Serbia certain special rights regarding its sacred monuments in that region. So this shows that there is a growing awareness among remarkable people—not in the Belgrade government, but among the public—that this situation cannot remain like this forever. — Do you think the international community has done what it can to encourage a solution to the Kosovo issue, which many consider a key issue for achieving peace in the Balkans? — No, the international community has not done much to help. On the contrary, we would rather emphasize what is negative about the way the international community handles such problems; Kosovo is a typical example. The international community would rather look away; for it, avoiding such problems is more important than examining the real and serious issues involved. — Are you personally optimistic that the Balkans can become peaceful in the near future? — No, I am not. The main question in the former Yugoslav regions is not whether there will be war or not, but how long the war will last and how bloody it will be. Today we are witnessing, especially in the case of the Albanians, the opening up of several issues that have remained unresolved since 1911–1912. Essentially, we are dealing with the expansion of Albania’s borders and the unification of the Albanian nation. I think the international community has always avoided a proper confrontation with these issues, but I very much doubt that we will succeed here either in preventing bloodshed over them. Interview by FAIK I. LUTA

Reconciliation or confrontation Page 3 The State must change its twists and turns Page 2 E. Hoxha’s communist regime did nothing for the Cham issue Page 4 What is needed to produce an atomic bomb Page 4

Zef Brozi: “Our Constitution will rank among

A response to three questions from Mr. Fatmir Mediu, Deputy Chairman of the PR In my opinion, determining the Assembly by a simple majority is justified for the following reasons: 1. The Constituent Assembly is an “ad hoc” body, that is, a body established for a particular issue, and a simple majority’s will is sufficient to establish a body. 2. It is not a constitutional law requiring a two-thirds majority, because as a law it makes no change to the Constitution. 3. I would add that even a referendum, which is a higher form than the Assembly, is provided for by ordinary law. It should also be added that even election laws, which are of decisive importance, have been and are passed as ordinary laws. (Read on p. 2)

Yesterday alone, by 3:00 p.m., 1,736 people had been sent back

“Mercenaries!” N. from the capital cried in horror on Friday evening in front of Hotel “Dajti.” “Mercenaries… for 100 years, 1,000 years, mercenaries! Where are you, mercenaries? There will be early elections. Free elections. The People’s Power of the people will be reinstated. Luan Hajdaraga will take over all of Pali Miska’s functions. Bashkim Zeneli will be appointed minister of the fundament… the state of Islamic fundamentalism. President Ceka will be commander of the cannons. The cannons surrounding Lilo Zeneli. Mercenaries, 1,000 years of mercenaries. Where is Anastas Janullatos? Where have you gone?! Why are you hiding? Why don’t you come to the fire among the minorities? How long have you been a refugee in Tirana? Why don’t you bring the tanks? And priest, and priest, may Lilo Zeneli get you.” At 12:00 on Saturday, dressed as a priestess, she climbed onto the church’s footstool and rang the bell for 15 minutes. After that, a great silence fell, and the madwoman delivered this historic speech: “I hereby publicly proclaim the Constituent Assembly. Assembly President Arben Imami. Honorary President Anastas Janullatos. President of the Constitutional Council Neritan Ceka. Minister of Assembly Security Andrea Zarbakulla. Musa Ulqini, minister of constitutional defense. Pashko, constitutional prime minister. Thoma Mele, chairman of minority provisions. Perikli Teta, chairman of the constitutional secret files. Qaqo Apostoli, representative of the constitutionalists. Qaqo Apostoli, head of the constitutionalists of 1976. The Assembly will convene in Vorio Epir.” The refugees… “The refugees are coming back,” the madwoman said in the evening in front of the Socialist Party. “Today they’ve even sent Fatos Nano back. Vanon. They sent him back naked. They returned him from Kapshticë so the minorities wouldn’t see him.”