The Albanian Republican Party has submitted a draft law to the People’s Assembly for consideration and approval. For your information, this is the Draft Law on “The return of ownership of agricultural land.” This draft law was submitted to Parliament in accordance with the law, that is, in the manner prescribed by law. Once again: the Republican Party, in accordance with the law, has submitted a draft law to Parliament for discussion. It submitted the draft law to Parliament, not to another body, and not to the Presidium of Parliament. The Speaker of Parliament’s opinion is valid only insofar as he carries out the duty for which he was elected, together with the other members of the Presidium, in accordance with the law and the rules of Parliament. Pjetër Arbnori and the other members of the Presidium of Parliament, like every other member of Parliament, may express an opinion on a particular law only when that law is on the agenda of parliamentary sessions. Every member of Parliament, including members of the Presidium, may express their opinion on laws and draft laws before the session on those laws is held, but only outside Parliament. Under what rules does MP Arbnori discuss the Republican draft law on agricultural land in a parliamentary session when it was not on that day’s agenda? The Republican draft law was submitted by PR MP Mr. Çeliku, and the Republican Party, in addition to the “valuable” opinion of Pjetër Arbnori and the other members of the Presidium, also wishes to hear the opinions of the other MPs—opinions equal to those of MP Arbnori and the other MPs who are members of the Presidium of Parliament. Let Parliament decide how much this law resembles another law previously submitted to Parliament; it alone has the right to do so and the authority to reject laws. As for similarities, even Pjetër Arbnori’s own reasoning for not placing the law on Parliament’s calendar—reasoning unsupported by law—resembles the decisions and justifications of earlier Albanian parliaments, the communist-Enverist parliaments. We would welcome Arbnori’s and the other MPs’ opinions on this law on the day of the session at which the Republican draft law is considered. Pjetër Arbnori and the Presidium must set that date as soon as possible, because the law obliges them to do so. And no one, Mr. Arbnori, can stand above the law. That would be a state governed by the rule of law and a democratic state.

Speech by PR MP Dr. Mehmet Çeliku, delivered in Parliament on 22.09.1994 during consideration of the motion of no confidence in the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, submitted by the PS group Honourable Mr. Speaker, honourable members of Parliament! I, too, wish to express my opinion as a representative of the PR at this parliamentary session, where the motion of no confidence in the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, submitted by the PS parliamentary group, is being considered. I believe that when we discuss confidence or no confidence in Prime Minister Meksi, we must consider what his government has done well, what it has done badly, and which of its actions characterize the essence of governance during this period. Therefore, I expected the authors of the “Motion of No Confidence” to emphasize some positive aspects, and, conversely, the PD MPs to point out some shortcomings of the government; in both cases, the seriousness, truthfulness and objectivity of the discussion would have been enhanced. In this transitional period, with many and quite complex problems, there have undoubtedly been achievements. I will mention just four: 1. The market economy; 2. The establishment of democratic institutions; 3. The construction of a democratic state governed by the rule of law; 4. The country’s integration into the international community. Here are also two serious shortcomings from which many others arise: 1. The Meksi Government, which came to power primarily as an alternative to communist governments, has not properly fulfilled its mission of practically eradicating communism through reform. It should have given more concrete effect to the principled victory of 22 March 1992 in the economy, culture and other fields, in order to be called a democratic government. The Meksi Government did not do what it should and could have done to bring about the real overthrow of the conservative communist forces and restore the moral and material dignity of the people who had been trampled upon and persecuted by the communist dictatorship. The failure to return properties to their lawful owners, and the stubborn implementation—often with undemocratic methods—of the neocommunist Land Law, risk leaving Albanian land permanently without its legitimate owners. The tendency to create and favour mainly new owners who are political supporters of the PD has given the Meksi reform a strongly partisan character, which neither guarantees its democratic nature nor fails to put the process of genuine capitalization of society at risk. 2. The troubling phenomenon of corruption in the structures of the Albanian state cannot be ignored or dismissed. Corruption has become... (continued on page 2) (continued from page 1)

On 19 September 1994, a meeting of the council of the National Council of the Association of the Expropriated, “Property with Justice,” was held in Tirana. The council approved a report-...

In an interview with ATSH, the President of the Republic of Kosovo, Dr. Ibrahim Rugova, was asked whether a global Albanian policy exists in practice today. He replied: “In practice, we can say that a global Albanian policy has also begun to be implemented. Despite the many obstacles, we believe that this wall between Albanians should fall as soon as possible. Another aspect of this global policy is that today Albania is helping the Albanian cause internationally more than ever. Kosovo, too, with its institutions at home and abroad, is helping... Given what Kosovo has, today we have various contacts and cooperation, whether in the cultural, educational or political sphere. I have said this several times, but these things must be repeated constantly: for the first time among Albanians, we are not moving backwards, as we did after 1912, then 1918, and especially after 1945; for the first time, we are cooperating politically. And, naturally, this global Albanian policy respects the political will of Albanians in Macedonia, Albanians in Montenegro, and those in Preshevë, Bujanoc and Medvegjë. That is to say, we have a vision of what we should do in this direction. And I can say that a global Albanian policy is present every day and is being realized step by step; it is not something abstract. For example, with poli-

By the end of 1995, Tirana’s demand for drinking water will be fully met, Arben Zajmi, Director of the Water Supply Directorate at the Ministry of Construction and Territorial Regulation, told ATSH. This is the conclusion reached on the basis of the work to be carried out to reconstruct Tirana’s main city network, as well as to build the Bovilla treatment plant and the external pipeline.

in Tirana. The council approved the report delivered on behalf of the Executive Board by the Association’s Chairman, Mr. Rrapo Hajr edin Danushi. The many discussions among the participants led to the drafting of the following conclusions: 1. The decision of the Constitutional Court, composed of a judicial panel of former judges and prosecutors from the time of Enver Hoxha’s communist dictatorship, who still demonstrate political struggle and class hatred toward the families of those expropriated and persecuted by the dictatorship—in other words, that Court’s decision to reject the statement of claim submitted by the National Association—is unlawful and unconstitutional, in flagrant violation of the Constitutional Chapter on Human Rights, and permanently seals the capitulation of the Albanian justice authorities before the personal political power of President Sali Berisha. 2. By the end of November 1994, the new elections for the leadership of the district branches must be completed. The meetings should be held with very large attendance, with all members who possess Association membership cards taking part, as well as its supporters, who will have no voting rights. 3. The council decided to reiterate its call that no lawful owner or heir should agree to receive compensation in securities; at the same time, they must not allow foreign investors in any way to begin investing in their properties without first signing an agreement directly with the lawful owner and without the presence of the state. Lawful owners must ensure this outcome at all costs. 4. By December 1994, the collection of authorizations for the International Court from owners and heirs of the expropriated—those who have still not submitted them to the Association’s district branches—must be completed, since in January 1995 the National Association will submit its statement of claim against the Albanian State to the International Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, France, which will undoubtedly restore Albanian owners’ legitimate rights. Owners must be informed that, in accordance with that Court’s rules, its decision will oblige the Albanian State to grant the denied right only to those properties whose owners have issued authorizations for the application to reinstate the claim; their list of names will be attached to the file. 5. The council tasked the Executive Board of the National Association, by the end of the—[text ends]—undertaken by the Shkodra branch of the Association, with submitting the National Association’s statement of claim against

Haiti is one of the examples in which the—[unclear]—of the triumph of American democracy and progress will be joined by quite a few others, culminating in the case of North Korea and the return of the legitimate president, Aristides. More than Haiti’s “peaceful occupation,” more than the skies dominated by American military helicopters, what impresses you is the “rule” of American presidents. Did Carter win in Haiti, or Clinton himself? Bush or Clinton? American combat helicopters or the presidents of American democracy? Undoubtedly, all of them together. It is America’s power, and its democracy too. But the thought immediately comes to mind: did the American presidents win in Haiti? The harmony of Haiti’s presidents is the White House... Carter did not, of course, come to Tirana by chance, nor did he come here for a short time, naturally not even to go for a morning run, as our newspapers reported (perhaps as a curiosity). Perhaps he came to... [?] democracy. He did not meet the president of Kosovo in that situation, nor in North Korea, which was unsettling the peace with its dangerous nuclear component. Thus that event... [?] ...to fall... the President of the USA, ...[?] the great citizen of this country. North Korea was compelled—no matter how or by whom—to sit at the negotiating table. Carter won, Clinton won, the USA won, but above all, World Peace. The USA’s responsibility toward itself is not enough; the world demands greater responsibility from it. There are five in the world, and today’s Albania is among them. In the USA there is only one President, only one President with great powers and responsibilities toward the American people, American democracy, and world democracy. But the USA has many former presidents, many politicians at every level, who transcend the period during which they held the office of president or senior official of the American state. They always remain involved in everything, always “responsible” for America, for American democracy, for the fate of democracy in the world. Nixon went to communist China in 1971 after it had been “urged” earlier by the “minangë” ...[?] first; then, many years later, Nixon himself went to Moscow, when he was no longer in Moscow, when he was no longer president, to pave the way for the next American president! Bush tried, through arrangements with his electoral challenger, to—

Greek nationalism and its efforts to establish itself in Albanian politics (3) The efforts of the new government in Albania to reconstruct— The efforts of the new government in Albania to reconstruct the country’s political image through legislative reforms and the creation of an open, non-xenophobic society were exploited by Greek politics as a good opportunity to lay the legal foundations of its strategy. President Berisha’s initiative to draft the fundamental law for the protection of human freedoms and rights was in reality the most difficult diplomatic battle, waged between the Albanian state’s desire to embrace international legal standards and the danger of pro-Greek metastatic infiltration into Albanian legislation. The political authorities in Albania’s choice of an open path in this confrontation was an act of political courage, which was also encouraged by the real—[unclear]—of the Greek danger in Albanian politics. What guarantees the two sides accepted this challenge with remains debatable, but the way they handled it shows that the Greek side was more interested in getting this law approved, with any compromise necessary. Berisha accepts the challenge of an open society In March 1993, Berisha made a two-day visit to Gjirokastër, focusing mainly on the problems of the Greek minority. The socialist opposition and the group of independent deputies representing the Democratic Alliance labelled this visit demagoguery intended to secure the two votes of the Greek deputies in support of the adoption of the Fundamental Law on Human Freedoms and Rights, which, as a constitutional law, required a two-thirds majority. As a populist label, this serves only to diminish the political value of Berisha’s initiative; it does not stand as a genuine political argument if one realistically analyzes the position of these two deputies. It is naive to think that the two Greek deputies in the Albanian parliament are independent of Athens’s guidance when voting on such fundamental matters. It is just as politically implausible that the President would enter into a “dangerous bargain” with deputies who are no political factor at all for his position. What is entirely credible in this case is the Greek political interest in having Albania adopt a more advanced law on human freedoms and rights, so that Greece could then have a legal framework on which to base its platform Caricature

The madwoman N of Tirana was seen on Friday walking around Parliament, shouting: “A chance to become prime minister.” Whoever is going to be Albania’s next prime minister, line up behind me. It will be decided today, said the madwoman. “Here is the preliminary list too: Dokle, if Nano is not replaced. If he weren’t Muslim and if he didn’t have an inclination to become foreign minister. He could be sent as ambassador to Iran if he refuses the first option. Legjisi, if Xan Gallata is not appointed. I have other lists too,” said the madwoman, “for the party’s future ministers.” By midnight that day, the madwoman had put together the next government and its future ministers. Late at night she was seen again near Parliament, holding a list. “Here I have the deputies who don’t want to be members of the government,” she said. “And those who don’t want to deal with oil, even if they don’t appoint them by brotherly agreement, I’ll be appointed to that job.” “Now, to learn how to escape cholera,” the madwoman shouted on Saturday. “I don’t understand: when they say that fishing in cholera zones is also prohibited for travel across borders, why aren’t people with cholera prohibited from travelling?” “A diplomatic suitcase has been found,” said the madwoman. “Those concerned should come forward. Here are the identifying marks: two silk handkerchiefs, the National Unity of the Party of the Nation, Hydajet perfume, ‘Çurva dhe e’ brand. Emergency,” said the madwoman. “Who has let the Inter-Parliamentary Union resolution slip? Those who want to take Nano’s place? And which place do they want to take, the one in Tepelenë or the one in Tirana? If they are in Tirana, they are candidates for Nano’s place: the first one who wrote the resolution is afraid of Tepelenë. But he is also afraid of the place in Tirana because of the other two.” “Ramiza Ala was pardoned yesterday,” said the madwoman. “For merit. Anyone asking for further merits will be pardoned. But democracy can’t be made without mad people. I’ll defeat you,” said the madwoman, “politicians, deputies, spies, lackeys, Greek-speakers, professors and whatever you are—I’ll defeat all of you for all of Albania. Just leave a part for Hydxhet, because today, when he comes, he’ll say that he is Albania too!”

We want this wall between Albanians to fall as soon as possible. It is also a fact of global politics that today, more than ever, Albania is helping the Albanian cause internationally. Kosovo, too, through its institutions at home and abroad, is helping Albania, and in this regard there is cooperation, understanding and an agreement that we Albanians have not had before. In any case, this is a foundation, an element that promises the realization of Albanian aspirations in general. I believe that many things have been demonstrated by now. And when some of the tasks that have fallen to our generation are completed, a broader and more productive global Albanian policy will emerge. ATSH

“May Baba succeed” With the Director of the Albanian-Islamic Arab Bank Page 2 “When the threat of the destroyer’s seizure looms, I read Homer” Page 3 “A young Albanian in Paris” About the new book “The Shadow of l. Kadare” Page 3 Lift the sanctions immediately By the end of 1995, drinking-water needs will be fully met

Fifteen days after the cholera epidemic struck Albania, the situation is improving. Dr. Aleksandër Sallabanda, Director of the Institute of Hygiene, confirmed: “Just as it arrives suddenly and subsides relatively quickly, so too, after effective measures are taken, cholera disappears. We are now precisely at this stage. Two outbreaks are under control: Berat and Librazhd; there are no others.” “REPUBLIKA” Correspondent