With the latest reshuffle of the Government, the question of the reason for removing such-and-such a minister arose in many places.
An attempt has been made to find an answer to this question. It is very difficult to answer when, first of all, the question is how that “so-and-so” became a minister. Removing (and appointing) so-and-sos to posts without any criteria no longer causes any surprise, bewilderment, or even satisfaction.
The mystery of a minister’s removal, on the other hand, also gives rise to another mystery: the mystery of another minister remaining in office. So, what matters is not how one minister “got the boot.” What matters more is how the other managed “to survive.” The answer to the second question is much more interesting, especially for those who want to venture into the turbulent sea of Albanian politics.
If the ministers who “got the boot” were not corrupt, does that mean those who remain are? If they did not leave because they were incompetent, then perhaps those who stayed deserve that label?
This kind of remaking of the Government, right up to the last moment, leaves it unclear who is “reshuffling” whom, and gives public opinion no room for comment. People do not know whether to congratulate or criticize the Government (the part that remains) for this. Such reshuffles do not give the impression that the changes were intended to achieve anything good.
And this way of making abrupt changes leaves not only ordinary public opinion indifferent. Such changes also leave the press indifferent, and it does not give those who were removed the attention they deserve. This is because journalists were convinced that the people themselves had no idea why they had to leave (perhaps that is precisely why they were removed). Even the parliamentary opposition parties remain indifferent; they cannot find a way to engage in the discussion of the reasons why they were replaced. Such indifference toward changes in the Government may cause the people to develop “chronic distrust” of the government, leading them to view every further change with suspicion.
A. P
Are crimes on the decline?
Press conference by Interior Minister Musaraj
“In 1994, bandits committed 350 crimes against the police, but fortunately there were no casualties among police officers,” said yesterday
“In 1994, bandits committed 350 crimes against the police, but fortunately there were no casualties among police officers,” the minister told reporters yesterday at his press conference, in response to a question, said Interior Minister Agron Musaraj.
Regarding cases of police use of force, the Interior Minister said that in the few cases where unlawful use of force by the police had been established, action had been taken. At this press conference, the minister mentioned the incident in Laç, where four police officers were sentenced to 37 years in prison. The ratio of uniformed police officers to the population is 1 to 300. On average, one criminal offense occurred every 67 minutes during the past year. According to figures from the Ministry of the Interior, the rate of homicide in Albania is still at a level that gives cause for concern. At present, one murder has occurred for every 12,000 inhabitants in Albania, while 278 attempted murders have been recorded. Compared with a year earlier, this crime figure fell by 14%. Although the rate of detection of crimes must certainly have contributed to this decline, such a high level of this kind of crime is excessive for a country at Albania’s stage of development.
The figures given to journalists at the press conference and the Interior Minister’s answers showed that the police’s detection capacity had increased compared with a year earlier. The number of crimes has fallen across several categories: crimes against persons, crimes against others’ property, murders, and so on. Only the cultivation of narcotic plants and drug trafficking have increased. This type of crime, relatively unfamiliar to the Albanian police, appears to be growing because Albania has opened up and because the police lack experience in combating it. In 1993 there were 14 cases (which were detected); for the year that has just ended (continues on page 4)
Photo: Reuters
The past is… Prologue…
The editor-in-chief of “Republika” resigns
As I leave the financially viable newspaper “Republika,” I think it is only right to inform my readers, friends, and well-wishers first of all about the reasons for my resignation, to thank them for their cooperation, and to express my gratitude for the newspaper that we created together.
There is, in any case, a reason that compels us to take action. A person is connected to their work through a certain relationship. Being the head of a newspaper is naturally no exception. It is always a relationship of contradiction. This very relationship determines progress, stagnation, or regression. The important thing is to recognize at the right moment the natural breaking point of this relationship. As I make public my resignation from the post of editor-in-chief of “Republika,” I wish to emphasize that I am taking this step for a major, important, and at the same time quite ordinary reason. And I would not be honest if I said that we are parting without pain. These are three of the most beautiful, most exhausting, and most important years of my life. Everyone who works in the press knows this pain. It would be ridiculous to claim that I am saying anything new; I have not believed that the Republican Party was present or had reached places where “Republika” had not. I have believed, and still believe, that “Republika” has helped the Republican Party as much as a newspaper can help a party. A newspaper cannot create a party. At the same time, parties are like a noose around newspapers’ necks. It is in their hands to determine the fate of parties (many of whom remind me of the mentality of the bosses of the Party of Labour) and to create space—plenty of space, or at least enough to be left for dead in advance. But it is naturally also up to the people who make newspapers to fight for their own space, or to save that noose around a newspaper’s neck, which is naturally also a noose around the neck of a society where new democratic principles must be established.
I am parting from the newspaper “Republika” when my birth certificate says I am halfway through life. In a way, this means fate. History is the title of the myth of Sisyphus. Every generation has to start from the beginning. My generation started three or four years ago. And, more importantly, with new ideas. Three years of work with “Republika” have given me opportunities to observe important developments in Albanian politics. It is precisely from this experience that I believe the day will come when people in the parties understand democratic...
They press knows this pain. Without claiming to say anything new, I would say that parting with a newspaper is quite a special thing. The newspaper and its publisher have a unique, deeply intimate code of communication. Even the most passionate lovers would envy their intimacy.
As I take leave of the newspaper “Republika,” I wish to thank its many readers for their attention. In particular, I wish to thank the hundreds of wise contributors, whom I also wish to thank especially. The civic-mindedness that it subsequently acquired, as is evident in “Republika” itself, is surely also due to the civic ideas of the people who created it.
I believe that “Republika” greatly helped the work of the Republican Party. During these three years I have felt an extraordinary satisfaction from the growth and progress of “Republika,” which I have sensed in the greetings of friends and well-wishers and, more importantly, in the appreciation of people whom I have met by chance in different towns and villages. Many of them, and others, have told me that the newspaper has helped the Republican Party greatly, especially with its new ideas.
The three years of work with “Republika” have given me the chance to experience experience that I believe a day will come when people in the parties understand that democracy is a system in which no one can choose themselves. When this is understood, we will have reached a historic moment. The rest is past. And fortunately, the past is a prologue.
I believe that soon, very soon, I will return to “Republika.” Of course, taking from it what is genuine and leaving behind the noose of the parties.
YLLI RAKIPI
Tirana, 4.01.1995
The Chechens defeated the invincible
Russia: toward dictatorship or toward democracy
It has been called “Vietnam”
The Chechens defeated the invincible
“It has been dubbed ‘Vietnam,’ according to various media outlets. The news, reported by the Russian news agency on New Year’s Day, of an easy victory for the Russian army, considered one of the most powerful in the world, turned hour by hour into a devastating defeat, compared with which the one in Afghanistan seems very small.
According to reports, 140–180 armored vehicles have been destroyed or captured by the Chechens; thousands of Russian soldiers have been killed or captured, and Chechen forces are continually taking important positions. This entire catastrophe has been caused by small groups of poorly equipped and inadequately armed Chechens who, according to the head of the government, the young major Aslan Maskadov, “are now driving them out in numbers ten times greater than during the first attack. And every minute, volunteer groups are arriving in Grozny from the surrounding villages.” This is also confirmed by a group of government deputies led by the progressive Cheb Jakunin, who also emphasize the continuous violations of human rights. This also attests to the deep rift between Jelcin and his generals and allies, on the one hand, and civil society, on the other. Evstushenko opposes this war, as does the nostalgic Solzhenitsin, Saharov’s widow, and the reformist Gaidar; so do parliament and 65% of Russians, who believe they are paying a high price not only in human lives but also in material costs (30 million USD a day). Above all, however, they believe that Russian democracy is being lost. The Russians’ all-round losses also include the death of journalist Vitaldim I. Tarenko, who worked for “Yllin e Kuq,” the armed forces’ newspaper. Russia is also losing on the international front. France has asked the EC to review its policy toward Russia, while Germany has demanded that human rights be respected and has suspended financial aid to Russia.
The rise in fuel prices was immediately reflected in urban, metro, and railway transport fares. Starting on December 1, urban transport tickets went up by 40%. Season-ticket prices rose by 25%.
Unofficial sources confirm that inflation also contributed to these price rises. Railway fares increased by 20%, while intercity transport fares went up by 15%. There is still no government decision, but it is said that a 10% wage compensation will be provided to offset the price increase. Social insurance contributions, however, will reach 6%. Health insurance contributions (1.5%) will also begin in February. In any case, even if such a plan has been considered, the compensation must first be properly calculated. Once again, citizens alone will bear the burden of rising prices. The popular saying, “High ceilings—clear conscience,” is taking a new turn.
About 100 Russian soldiers killed in central Grozny
The Russian forces, which were forced to abandon the center of the Chechen capital, Grozny, now completely destroyed, left behind around 100 bodies of Russian soldiers in the streets leading to the presidential palace. This was reported by the Interfaks news agency.
On Tuesday afternoon, the front line separating Russian forces from the Chechen independence fighters was 1.5 km northwest of the presidential palace, near the railway station, and 5 km north of the palace, according to the agency.
During his unscheduled visit to Greece, the president of ribse, Slobodan Millosheviq, expressed support for the creation of a confederation between Serbia, Greece, and Macedonia. Given the common interests and the policies pursued by Greece and Serbia, the idea of a friendly confederation between these countries is not surprising; circumstances favor it. But what aroused the curiosity of observers and experts on Balkan issues was the idea of including Macedonia in this confederation.
First, Milosheviq’s idea in this regard seems very difficult, perhaps even absurd, if we consider the relations of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia with Serbia and Greece, neither of which, as is known, has recognized it, and there is not even the slightest indication that either will do so. Greece, meanwhile, makes a change of name and state symbols a condition, relying on its historical interpretation of the matter; Serbia, for its part, has not even mentioned the idea of recognizing Macedonia, making it clear that it was not merely a financial matter for Russia.
But, on the other hand, there are other circumstances, besides it being part of Serbia. Second, Macedonia’s entry into a confederation or another form of integration with truncated Yugoslavia would provoke strong reactions within the country, among the political circles and nationalities that make up this small state. This would mean that, after a few years of existence as a sovereign, independent state, Macedonia would return to its starting point—that is, become part of Yugoslavia or Serbia.
Third, the other countries of the region would oppose such a move, which would lead to Serbia’s further strengthening in the region, bearing in mind what is expected after peace is reached in Bosnia, when Karaxhiq’s Serbs, and perhaps those in Croatia as well, will be integrated with the Republic of Serbia. Naturally, the Great Powers would also oppose such a move, which would undermine the comprehensive support they have given and continue to give the new Macedonian state to preserve its sovereignty and consolidate it.
Macedonia’s dilemmas
ATSH
Danger of a coup d’état
Realignment of the right
Following Berkon’s resignation, Italy remains in crisis and alarming reports continue to emerge. Although President Scalfaro held one of his consultations with party leaders yesterday, there is still no positive solution, as the regrouping of right-wing forces required considerable effort.
This is because of the new elections.
But what shocked Italy yesterday was the statement by Senator Diego Manfrol, who said that on December 2, 1994, the day Italian trade unions had paralyzed the country with a general strike, a coup d’état had been prepared. Although Senator Manfroi gave no details, he based this claim on the left-wing forces. But it is still a matter of either the prime minister or on the left-wing forces. But the left-wing forces were behind this. But the left-wing forces were behind this. But the left-wing forces were behind this. Another economic problem is also evident: the fall in the value of the Italian lira on international markets and a significant rise in inflation.
I. ALIA
USA
• The Republican Party also took control of the U.S. Congress, for the first time in 40 years.
According to CNN correspondent and elections reporter Ralf Begleiter, this change in political power has considerable potential to bring about changes in U.S. foreign policy.
He said the agreements reached by the Clinton Administration with North Korea, Haiti, China, and Russia are among those that will be reviewed.
Janë tre vjet nga më të bukurit, më të lodhshmit dhe më të rëndësishmit e jetës sime.
From the Chronicles
I have received many letters and complaints from the people, and She on Wednesday evening in front of the offices of the Capital’s municipality. The New Year arrived with unprecedented success.
Everyone, young and old, rejoiced at the increase in urban bus fares, since now, with prices so high on buses, people will travel only by taxi.
It is true that the price of fuel has also gone up, but the government has embarked on a major undertaking in cooperation with the World Bank and other international organizations, so that all motor vehicles in operation will run not on diesel and petrol, but on water. This method was planned to go into operation as early as January 1995, but, as you know, people have been put out to tender, and we too are suffering from a shortage of water. When we have plenty of water, we’ll talk differently.
Now, even faced with that emergency situation, it has been decided that, to secure one dollar, hundreds of centrifuges will be imported. We will tell you all the figures for the MPs, ministers, the prime minister and the President. Squeezing them will produce enough water for the Fierza turbine to run for months.
This will continue in this way until you understand that God is punishing us with drought in the middle of winter, so that we may return what is owed to the bonar of the flooded lands.
There is a great deal of corruption, but we will overcome it. Albania can be saved only if we follow America’s example. In great Democratic America, anyone who has an unlicensed weapon and turns it in receives a thousand dollars. This method has produced considerable results, since hundreds of thousands of weapons have been handed in. In Albania we have the problem and scourge of corruption. Let us draft a law that says plainly: “Anyone who declares themselves corrupt will be rewarded not with 1,000 dollars, but with 100,000.” I am sure that this way the problem will be solved once and for all. We will have no more corrupt people.
KRONIKANI