The former finance minister comments on the Prosecutor General’s request “Parliamentary immunity is not a striptease costume for showing off the beauty of the body,” deputy Ruli said in response to a journalists’ question about “surrendering to Justice,” at the press conference he held on Friday afternoon. Ruli said he was one of those people who had approached Justice himself before, without sending stand-ins, but that he now wanted assurances that Justice would deliver justice. He added: “I am ready, but which justice should I turn to when the head of the Court of Cassation himself has been attacked as a clown. A Prosecutor’s Office that acts in an extremely suspicious and manipulated manner gives me no assurance that I will not fall victim to political manipulation.” Ruli called the Prosecutor General’s request of 30 December to lift the immunity of Democratic Party deputies Ruli and Uka a request that in itself carried a “political charge,” and saw it as connected with the tense political climate after the referendum. Ruli said that “there are no new facts in the Prosecutor General’s request” concerning the walnut-tree wood case, which had been opened and closed five times over the last two years. According to Ruli, with this attack the prosecution service “has wanted to make excuses for its previous incompetence, since it has no visible results in its work on the smuggling of cigarettes, drugs, people, fuel, etc.” More generally, “targeting people with political stature is done to prove that the fight against corruption has genuinely begun. But this is just a farce.” Regarding the position taken on this issue by the DP’s leadership, Ruli said that the DP Presidency and parliamentary group had been put “in a corner of the ring,” and that “the DP parliamentary group has twice failed to reach agreement on this issue. It is a difficult position, because if it comes out in their defense, it will be said that it is defending corruption; on the other hand, if the Prosecutor General’s request is attacked, he will turn into a Di Pietro. According to Ruli, it is difficult for the other political forces to take a position on this issue as well.” Regarding the case for which the lifting of the deputy’s immunity is also being sought, Ruli says: “I see neither administrative brilliance, let alone a crime, but corruption should be sought in all the cases proven and spoken about so far, not according to the people this prosecutor chooses to hold responsible.” As for the situation that has arisen, Ruli senses the danger of chaos, because with precedents like these, “state officials will spend most of their time telling fortunes and reading horoscopes, and will hesitate to sign anything. Such a thing will have consequences.”

Prime Minister Meksi’s letter to the Prosecutor’s Office, together with his statements concerning the “Bitnicka-Gajo Case,” confirmed by “Gazeta Shqiptare” and other sources, is important evidence of a change in the account of the truth concerning one of the most talked-about scandals of recent times. The Republican Party has closely followed every new development in this case, which seeks to implicate former Republican minister Mr. Fatos Bitincka. The dismissal of the charge of “forgery of documents” is the first step toward dismissing the entire accusation. The Republican Party has considered, and continues to consider, the fight against corruption an absolute necessity and an immediate duty of the justice authorities. But it will never allow Mr. Bitincka, or anyone else, to become a sacrificial victim in the political game being played in Albania today. The Republican Party notes that Article 106, “Abuse of Office,” risks being used as a club by certain groups to accuse one another and settle scores. In view of our confidence in the justice authorities, it is important that their legal and procedural actions be freed from political burdens and passions, as well as from pressure brought to bear on them. Only in this way can we hope that justice will be able to uncover the real culprits in the “Telecom Case” and all the other “cases.” Spokesperson of the PRSH ...there is no fact... in it; the prosecutor’s request again ...ralse. For positioning on this One thing t...; sise. But it will not allow PRSH spokesperson against the Association of the Disapp...; political fugitives and against the Assoc...; aggravated form, but a law bas...;ed simply on the principles co...; Correspondent, “Republika”

The U.S. Assistant Secretary of State meets representatives of political parties Yesterday afternoon, U.S. Undersecretary of State Mr. Hollbruk met with the heads of several political parties in Albania. At this meeting, the chairman of the PR, Mr. Godo, said, among other things, that recently the PR had felt more at ease at the U.S. Embassy and welcomed Mr. Hollbruk’s visit as a contribution to strengthening relations between the two countries. “You,” Mr. Godo continued, “are observing the difficulties and differences among political parties in their assessment of the situation, and this is natural; but our differences concern essential matters, and therefore often take on dramatic forms.” Mr. Godo said that democracy is a long and difficult road, and we are seeing that now. There is something troubling about the development of democracy in Albania. People are somewhat afraid to speak, whereas the right to speak is above everything else; it seems to me that it is implicit in the First Amendment to your Constitution. Under democratic rule, violence has in some cases been used against the groups that suffered most under the communist regime, against the Association of Political Persecutees and against the Association of the Condemned and Politically Persecuted. We believe in and want cooperation in Albania while holding back communism. That would be good news for the Albanian people and for democracy in our country. Mr. Godo said that one of the differences between us and the other parties lies in the fact that our economic platform is based on the free initiative of the individual, supported by lawful private property. On this point I agree with the presentation made by Mr. Kalakula, but I would add that the main source of confusion is the Law on Land, which cannot be called agrarian reform, but is simply a law based on communist principles. Finally, Mr. Godo said that there is a need for a more active American presence in the country’s economy and in other areas of society. We need people to be trained in sound concepts of the market economy, and this can be done by increasing scholarships for our students to study in the United States; perhaps, in practice, this could also be achieved by reopening the American schools that once existed in Albania, which educated a generation of intellectuals and made a major contribution to the country’s cultural and technical development. “Republika” Correspondent U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Hollbruk

Declaring one’s assets is a legal and constitutional obligation in the USA for every public official, from the lowest rung of the state hierarchy to its summit, the number-one figure—the president. Until 1973, it was legal for anyone to set a limit on the amount of wealth, on the amount of money used for an electoral or presidential campaign. There are three requirements for becoming a public official in the USA: connections (including education and work), wealth, and the party one represents. In 1974, the U.S. Congress also established rules on the amount of money one may use for an electoral campaign, on asset declarations, and on what a candidate may receive from private individuals or private enterprises. This law was passed by Congress after the Watergate scandal, when President Nixon had received bribes from a large oil-and-gas and aviation corporation—millions of dollars that he used for his election campaign. In America, every kind of public official must declare assets worth more than 20 dollars, whether these are personal property or received from someone else. In 1992, efforts were made to impose limits on money received from private firms or individuals, but the attorneys general rejected them because that would have harmed their ability to bring hidden money into the game. President Clinton and President Bush received 50 million dollars each from supporting firms in the most recent election campaign, to finance their campaigns legally and under legal oversight. There have been cases in which even minor public officials sought millions and did not win, as in the case of Republican congressman Jozef Dilan in 1992, who spent 28 million dollars and did not win. Thus the USA—this school of electoral democracy, this school of how the world’s most democratic state functions—has a very strict rule: it costs you dearly if you hide the truth. It is noteworthy that in 1995, when both houses of Congress are dominated by Republicans, one of the laws they are insisting on improving is the one on asset declarations. The authority and power of a public official begin there—with their assets, with clean money. It is established that the manner in which one comes to power, and even the slightest involvement with illicit money, is punishable by imprisonment (as in the 1982 case of a Democratic candidate, and the opposing party’s candidate is invited to enter the race unopposed). In the USA everything is recorded, and every movement is registered. Thus, these are the few ways in which this mechanism works in America to prevent corruption. Prepared by: BEJDO MALO

Meeting of the National Council of the Association of the Condemned and Politically Persecuted On January 10, 1994, the National Council of the Association of the Condemned and Politically Persecuted meets to analyze the situation created after the hunger strike and to determine its positions for the future. Condemned and Politically Persecuted The persecuted are not a burden, but a strength of society On January 10, 1994, Politically Persecuted meets to analyze the situation created after the hunger strike and to determine its positions for the future. As is known, the hunger strike by the Politically Persecuted, which had purely economic reasons, was violently broken up by the authorities, and at the same time, because of this strike, the chairman of the Association, Kurt Kola, and the chairman of the Association’s Tirana branch, Mr. Eqerem Kavaja, were placed under house arrest. This Association brings together in its ranks the most suffering section of Albanian society, the pioneers of resistance against communism. They are being influenced by forces outside the Association that are trying to divide it. Such a thing may help anyone, but not the Association, whose mission—providing assistance and care for all its members—can be said to have only just begun. “Republika” correspondent

Albania is facing the greatest problem in its millennia-long history. The balance established between the [buffalo(es)] and the corrupt is being upset. The scales are tipping toward the corrupt, so I call on all dependent and independent intellectuals to take the lead on their own initiative. Do not happen to be clever, or they will put you in the Government, and from there into the Seven Windows. This is a very simple matter for Albanian patriots; the paponçelët are acting foolishly. Corruption is the lubricant that makes the state mechanism function, but too much of it is being used. There should be enough lubricant for the machine to move, not so much that power slips from our hands. Food with salt, and salt in moderation. I am in favor of a political solution to the issue of corruption. To raise the level of tolerance, journalists should be corrupted first; then they will understand the politicians’ predicament and will not be so critical. What do you think of the word “karliçëm”? I am a tough nut; not even bones can be broken. Mine, nor corruption. There is only one ray that puts me on display abroad like elephant ivory. But now even this danger no longer exists. The price of elephants and sharks has risen on the stock market of Albanian politics. Some clever people say Albania needs a Di Pietro. I don’t like the idea! Di Pietro only puts mafiosi in prison, who are usually from southern Italy. That is pure regionalism. We need to be corrupted so that afterward we can have the chance to correct ourselves. This wretched corruption is like raki: the more you drink, the more you want to drink. The difference is that the people who see it are crazy from drinking. After Galo[p], Albania slips into first place on both sides of Europe (Eastern and Western) for the increase in the rate of corruption per capita. Long live corruption. Democratic Albania! Let us support corruption throughout our ethnic lands! With Corruption toward Europe! You condemn corruption just like all of Europe! THE CHRONICLER

Republicans Confidently Heading Toward ’96 The big match—that is what it immediately began to be called after the American Republicans won a majority in Congress at the start of the year, we have given... With the beginning of the new Congressional session, Republican leader Robert Dole was threatened with... accusations against Clinton over... the scandals stemming from the American campaign for candidates. For the UN candidate, the administration’s hardening came when Dole called for the lifting of the arms embargo on the Bosnian government, also in an inexplicable manner. Dole gave no details about lifting the arms embargo, but it is known that such a decision would cause dissatisfaction among the allies, especially France and England. But what are the chances that such a decision would be approved, given that (continued on page 4)

The defendants deny the charges—what will the witnesses say? The trial of the “Arsidi Case” began the day before yesterday. In the dock are four former bankers (Tartari, Xhyheri, Saliu, Hoti) and former Prime Minister Vilson Ahmeti. They are accused of misappropriating state property and large sums of money in collaboration with one another and with Nikoli Arsidi and Loren Simioni. The amount misappropriated is 123,275,000; 640,000,000 lekë remain in the accounts. The panel of judges in this case is chaired by Genci Qeleshi, while the prosecutors are Arben Qeleshi and Genc Ojkuna. Friday’s first session opened with the reading of the charges. After hearing the charges, all the defendants jointly denied them. Immediately afterward, the session was interrupted because of the health condition of defendant Agim Tartari. Yesterday’s session began with the questioning of witnesses. According to the panel’s decision, defendants represented by the same lawyers were allowed to sit on one bench, and the witnesses were asked for authorization from the circle of witnesses. Among the witnesses requested by the defense was also the person mentioned in the recent scandals, Fatmir Nano, as well as Gramoz Pashko, Genc Ruli, Qemal Shehu, and Edmond Spaho. The panel of judges did not reject any of these requests, but said it would decide during the proceedings. The trial continues on Monday.

Due to non-payment for cash registers… January 15, 1995 is the final deadline for paying for cash registers, for which a two-month period has elapsed since the date they were registered. By a special decision dated December 20, 1994, the Council of Ministers requires all natural and legal persons to pay the amount (400 U.S. dollars for each cash register) into the state budget within this period. Under this decision, the tax authorities and the Financial Police have the right to immediately suspend operations at premises and other units where an unpaid cash register has been installed, and immediately to seize a quantity of goods. The assessed value of these goods will range from the value of one cash register to twice that value. A. Gavoçi, a merchant in Tirana, said: “The cost of the cash registers, although it initially seems high, is affordable even for shops and premises with a modest daily turnover. Moreover,” he said, “a two-month period is more than enough to pay this amount.” Meanwhile, there are merchants who believe this amount is unaffordable given their turnover. Merchant N. Preza justifies himself by saying that, with his turnover, he is unable to meet his obligation to the financial authorities, and therefore has paid as much of the cost of the cash register as he can. However, according to specialists at the Ministry of Finance, it is notable that many of the large commercial businesses have not paid for their cash registers. Thus, daily turnover, which these merchants cite as justification, is not an acceptable argument. According to data from the Ministry of Finance, because payment for the cash registers was not made on time, 1 million and 140 thousand USD has not been deposited into the state budget—a considerable loss, considering only the effectiveness that could have been achieved by using the financial resources in this fund. The process of installing cash registers has been completed in the districts of Tirana, Durrës and Vlorë, meaning that all premises and units are equipped with them, while the process is still under way in Berat, Elbasan and Lushnjë. Of the 3,722 cash registers for which the two-month period after installation has elapsed in the three districts where the process has been completed, only 852 have been paid for; payment is therefore awaited for the remaining 2,870, failing which goods will be seized from the establishments where they have been installed. CORRUPTION

Meeting of the National Council of the Association of the Condemned and Politically Persecuted