From Mr. Godo’s speech at the Party’s National Council on January 20 This National Council at the beginning of the year is of particular importance because of the nature of the issues it is considering. Establishing strict rules on expenditure, the Party’s organizational functioning through the allocation of duties among the forums, and the party alliances we are discussing, are among the main problems addressed by our Congress. On the first point, we will say only this: Some people, starting with the Central Headquarters, do not want to know where the money is. Everyone asks for cars and drivers at their disposal. I think we said at the Congress that we should be frugal and move toward the point where the Party can be sustained by membership contributions; otherwise, tomorrow we will not have the courage to stand before the people as a party entirely in the service of the country. From what I see and hear, while people say everywhere and at every opportunity that it is “in the interest of the work,” an opposite tendency is developing: demands for perks that the Party is in no way able to provide. At the end of January, every branch will be sent the budget for the coming year, broken down by item. This budget will be strictly adhered to, and every quarter you will submit to the Central Headquarters full documentation on income and expenditure. A branch that does not submit the required documentation cannot effectively lead the Party in the period between Congresses. I will speak a little longer about the third point, concerning political developments related to us. The end of the three-party alliance and our departure from the governing coalition sparked discussion within the Party as well. Some ask why we left, while others say we should have left earlier. This is natural, because breaking alliances is more complicated than forming them. The press conference after the referendum, the newspaper articles, and the meetings in the districts have clarified public opinion, but it seems that some further explanation is needed. The three-party alliance, which continued until our Second Congress, was the only path the PR could take. Until March 22, 1992, the question of what we would do could not even be raised. We would necessarily join those political forces fighting to defeat communist rule. We also regarded the alliance as necessary after March 22. To win [text unclear] means not only to defeat your opponent, but also to change the order you want to change. The alliance to consolidate the democratic order was also necessary. But in the meantime, disagreements arose within the alliance because of differences in the programs, which deepened over time, however— …each budget line for the coming year is set out, divided into items. we will submit to the Central Headquarters the complete documentation on income and expenditure. Any branch that fails to submit documentation will not receive funding. As regards organization, we were beginning a new undertaking, with the structure presented to this Council. The period of general discussions in the forums has come to an end. From now on, each governing committee will organize its work on a sectoral basis, giving priority to organization, the electorate, information and propaganda. In other words, we must restructure ourselves according to the needs of the time. Think about all these matters that were discussed, and I say that this National Council is … Indeed, Xhinxhiq, contacts with press representatives, particular to “challenge” Millosheviç. (continued on page 4) …the opponent, but also to build the order you want. The alliance for consolidating the democratic order was likewise a necessity. But in the meantime, divergences emerged deepened over time, especially with the serious distortions in the exercise of power by the PD. We provided a detailed analysis of these at the Second Congress, and it would be a waste of time to repeat them here, but I will summarize by saying that we disagreed over the paths for developing democracy, the progress of reform and the governance of the country as a whole, including certain aspects of foreign policy. These fundamental differences did not appear in a single day, but gradually, little by little, from one opponent, but also to build the order you want. (continued on page 3)

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On December 20, the PR National Council held its meeting. At this Council meeting, the PR’s financial problems, organizational issues, and the general political situation in the country were discussed. The main report on the PR’s financial problems was delivered by the Secretary General, Dr. Çerçiz Mingomataj. He emphasized strict financial discipline and noted that the Party’s expenses could no longer be covered by the income available to it. Mr. Mingomataj stressed the collection of membership dues according to the membership of each branch. Mr. Ismail Male spoke about Party organization—the PR must be prepared to ensure that its organization matches the level of the ideas it represents. Mr. Neritan Alibali, a member of the PR’s KD responsible for the press and information sector, spoke about press and information issues. Without accurate information, it is impossible to take the right direction on various issues. He emphasized the need to establish information systems in all PR branches in the districts. Mr. Gjok Becj, a member of the PR’s KD responsible for propaganda issues, spoke about better cooperation on propaganda. In his remarks, Party Steering Committee member Mr. Arian Madhi focused on organizing and preparing the branches as effectively as possible and raising them to the level of the ideas they represent. they represent. …at length about the response I would give to our requests. Thus, In his remarks, the member of the Party’s Steering Committee, Mr. Arian Madhi, focused on organizing and preparing the party’s branches and sub-branches as effectively as possible, and on the need to intensify efforts to establish sections in those areas where this has not yet been done. Under the third item on the agenda, “On the general political situation,” various speakers discussed the relations between PR branches in the districts and other political forces, the need to strengthen the Right Wing, etc. Correspondent of “Republika”

The escape of 20 inmates from Tirana Prison continues to be at the center of public attention. Five of them are Serbs under [unclear], while the search for the other 15 continues. The press has written about the possibility of some internal collusion, but because the investigation is confidential, all that is known is that the number of detained police officers has reached 14. Tirana Prison is on alert. A brief conversation with the director, Mr. Shkëlqim Mustafaj, gives a general impression of the condition of the prison and its inmates, and allows one to learn something about the causes that led to the widely reported escape. “The prison’s physical condition is the same as it was in the past, plus various damages during the transition period; meanwhile, the condition of the prisoners has changed radically. The treatment they receive is the same as that given to prisoners in Western countries. Put briefly, they are free citizens without freedom rights. As for the condition of the prison, as I said above, it leaves much to be desired. It was said that a sum of 1.2 million Ecv had been allocated as European Community assistance for prisons alone, but so far we have received nothing. —In your opinion, what caused the escape of the 20 prisoners? —The competent authorities are dealing with this matter now. Of course, we have analyzed the incident... —Did you think matters could reach the point of an incident like this? If so, what measures did you take? —Our studies show that 90% of prisoners have escape as a fixed idea. Meanwhile, the personnel at our disposal—I mean the police officers—are weak, lack the proper qualifications, and the prison-police mentality still exists. Given the very nature of the work, the prison is on alert all 365 days of the year. During the past year, we dismissed 78 police officers because of the Service Regulations, and one was handed over to Justice for corruption. —Then, something about the escape. —The escape was carried out from a position classified as a “weak point.” Of course, responsibility is specific. One thing is certain: the escape was not carried out as a result of the prison’s security or lack of security. It was carried out with the help of concrete assistance provided by some internal employee; the final word on this will be given by the investigators. Regardless of all the shortcomings, such as inadequate professional training, poor technical equipment, etc., it cannot be said that the escape was something that could realistically have been expected. —Finally, what would you say about this incident? —I would emphasize something that is not directly related to the incident, but is related to prisons. A great deal has been written and said about prisons up to now. But nothing has ever been written about their level of security. Many associations and groups have also come from abroad, and they have always been concerned about the standard of prisoners’ living conditions. It has always been forgotten that prisoners are people who have broken the law, most of them very dangerous to society. Interest in prisons has not focused on the security of these prisons, but on the comfort of prisoners and their rights. This incident, despite all the harm it has caused, teaches all of us here, and those who have continually criticized us (not in terms of security, but in the opposite sense, for excessive restrictions), that prison is first and foremost a deprivation of certain freedoms enjoyed by other people who have not come into conflict with the law. 1. d

A few days ago, in Lazarat in the district of Gjirokastër, a gang made up of several people, including customs officers, tried to force the Voice of America correspondent for the southern region, Gezim Basha, into a car. They threatened that they would make him disappear unless, within two days, he issued an apology for a report broadcast on Voice of America on January 13. Well-informed sources report that two members of the gang have been arrested by the police. The search for the others continues. “Republika” correspondent

The amount lost by the Durrës Import-Export Transport Enterprise under a contract to transport goods from Italy to Macedonia on behalf of the company “Komodi,” whose president is Gjurgen Jorgos Diamantis, is substantial... . The amount lost by the Durrës Import-Export Transport Enterprise under a contract to transport goods from Italy to Macedonia on behalf of the company “Komodi,” whose president is Gjurgen Jorgos Diamantis, is substantial. The Greek national Jorgos Diamantis. It is interesting that, of the 42,500 USD lost by the Albanian enterprise, 25 thousand USD are from [unclear] caused by the company. It should be noted that although the case went to the Tirana Court, the person who appeared at the trial was the Albanian citizen M. Gj., while the Greek citizen has disappeared and, along with him, his current accounts have also been closed. I. A.

Mr. Zhulali’s press conference “Military relations...

Mr. Zhulali’s press conference “Military relations between Albania and Greece were suspended in the summer of 1992,” said Defense Minister Safet Zhulali at a press conference. “These relations remain frozen, and even the visit of the Greek defense minister in the first quarter of 1993 did not take place.” “Military relations between Albania and Greece were suspended in the summer of 1992,” said Defense Minister Safet Zhulali at a press conference. “These relations remain frozen, and even the visit of the Greek defense minister in the first quarter of 1993 did not take place. The Albanian side has always sought relations based on reciprocity, bearing in mind that Greece is also a NATO member. But these relations deteriorated further after the Peshkëpi incident, in which three Albanian soldiers lost their lives. In July 1994, Greece also withdrew its military attaché from its embassy in Tirana, because of the trial of five members of the minority. The Albanian side has always acted cautiously, even when there have been provocations from the Greek side, such as Greek aircraft violating Albanian airspace. But, as Minister Zhulali confirmed, Greece was also invited to participate as an observer in the joint exercise “SAREX ’95”. The reply was that the former military attaché in Tirana would attend the exercise as an observer. The Albanian side wishes to see relations fully thawed. According to Zhulali, Albania’s policy toward Greece, as a NATO member and its southern neighbor, is oriented toward cooperation and open dialogue, something the Albanian Ministry of Defense will not fail to pursue. M. MALESHOVA

How will Albania respond? Given that present-day Yugoslavia does not recognize the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia as a state, the visit by a delegation of the Democratic Party of Serbia, headed by its chairman, Zoran Xhinxhiq, can truly be considered unprecedented. In last year’s elections, Xhinxhiq’s party emerged with a stronger position on Serbia’s political scene and, perhaps now, as the lifting or at least easing of the embargo is expected, Mr. Xhinxhiq thinks he can gain political capital by making use of foreign relations, which have so far been blocked. Why Macedonia in particular? Before answering this question, we must first identify the reasons, and to do so, let us proceed—? Was this visit really an initiative by Xhinxhiq, or was he simply an emissary of Millosheviç, who had initially put forward the first hypothesis? That is, did Zoran Xhinxhiq come to Skopje to meet with him, as happens with journalists, in a Belgrade relationship with Macedonia that had already been established? In that case, his visit, by a member of the Serbian opposition, could also be interpreted as criticism of Belgrade’s official stance toward Macedonia, which it continues not to recognize. Indeed, in his talks with senior Macedonian officials and in his contacts with press representatives, Xhinxhiq emphasized the importance of Macedonian-Yugoslav relations, the friendship and shared features that bring the countries and their peoples closer, and so on. In this regard, he openly criticized the Belgrade government’s stance toward Macedonia, calling on federal Yugoslavia to recognize Macedonia as soon as possible and establish ties in all fields. But as we try to answer the question, “Why Macedonia?”, the hypothesis above gradually begins to fade. Given that Serbian nationalism has always been highly sensitive, and that Macedonia was an integral part of Serbia until 1945, when Tito declared it a republic within the Yugoslav Federation, it is difficult to believe that Xhinxhiq would risk choosing Macedonia in particular to “challenge” Millosheviç. (continued on page 4)

It was on Thursday evening that the hall of the Academy of Arts filled as never before. That evening, many spectators had the great fortune of getting to know “the great British actor” Norman Wisdom more closely, as the director of the Academy of Arts, Mr. B. Kapehlu, described him in his opening remarks. Laughter, hilarity and bursts of laughter accompanied the sketches that the British actor Pitkin had improvised for the audience. They continued for 20 minutes straight, until the bouquet gathered by the students themselves was presented to Pitkin, along with the students of the Academy’s unanimous thanks. Then came the show prepared from the students’ own work, directed by Genc Fuga. The songs by A. Bekteshi, the dance numbers by L. Shtina, and the sketches by the students of Dramatic Arts—including “The Sullen Face” by student B. Laka, as well as many other sketches such as “Tirana in Transition” and the excerpt “The Three Sisters”—formed the students’ grand bouquet of thanks to the British actor Pitkin. “The directing concept of this show was based on a common purpose shared with the students: to express a simple student tribute openly to the great actor Norman Wisdom, whom we were so fortunate to have among us,” said the event’s regional participant and director, Genc Fuga. At the end of the show, a photograph was taken of the students with the British artist Norman Wisdom. “When I was in the army, I was England’s lightweight wrestling champion,” actor Norman Wisdom replied to several questions at a press conference held with a number of journalists at the Academy of Arts. “I can cook, I can swim, I live alone—in a word, I lead a simple life,” the British actor said. “I have a daughter and a son with the woman I married, for the first and last time; she later left me a man with blood ties to me, and perhaps a little more fond of me than I am of myself,” the British actor said with a sense of humor. “I also have two grandchildren.” Asked about the actor’s artistic career, given his age, he replied: the Academy of Arts. Photo: Armando Babani

“Under the new Criminal Code, it will not be possible to punish people without a lawyer. I believe Albania should have no Criminal Code at all. Let there be lawyers, judges, investigators, prisons and prosecutors. What is this Criminal Code? Why doesn’t the opposition oppose the Criminal Code? This shows better than anything that we don’t need it at all. I have one fundamental criticism. The Criminal Code lacks an article protecting dogs. This is a blatant violation of the fundamental rights of animals. Only one step separates humans from animals. Therefore, it is not right that dogs should be disrespected because of this one step. Besides, among the human race there are plenty who know only how to bark. I am preparing to resign. I will no longer deal with this business. My voice has gone hoarse from shouting up and down, and few people have taken my words seriously. I will peacefully hand over the position I have held these past years in eightll. The Talllli who will replace me is a poor fellow, so don’t make him shout too much, because the poor man has no voice. I’ve figured out why my horoscope never comes out! There aren’t 12 signs, but 13; in two years there will be 14 signs. The new sign that has appeared is the Snake. People born under this yet-to-be-defined sign are cut out for politics. Once the dates for this blessed sign are set, the number of political parties in Albania will reach 176. We will have three parliaments, 12 governments and 32 presidents, three executives and 111 independent judiciaries. The governments will all be and are removed from disktueshti, but qirdo will also be conditioned. We are used to staying in the shade. What government would not want to sit in the shade while others work? It is said that the article penalizing homosexuals was proposed by the Ministry of Labor to get organized emigration started. Albanians will receive a sexually repeated political email.” KRONIKANI