16/04/1995
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Republika

16 April 1995

Today We Win or Lose for a Long Time

Yesterday’s speech by Mr. Godo in Tepelenë The Albanian Right-Wing League comes to Tepelenë today, strong, as it is a gateway to the southern districts and beyond, to explain its program and get to know you up close. Let us get straight to the point. The Albanian Right-Wing League has declared the unification of the nation within its ethnic borders to be a sacred goal. The circumstances of the First World War gave Montenegro, Serbia and Greece the opportunity to carve up Albania. For 82 years, we have been the only people in Europe divided in half, surrounded on every side by our own lands and our brothers. Fate has made us live in personal insecurity and social disintegration. Turning away from the struggle for national rights leads to our degradation as a people, whereas unification opens the way to economic strength and worthy integration into Europe. Today is our chance to win, or to lose this destiny forever. The Right-Wing League raises its voice for the national question, which is rooted in the soul of Albanians; and if people today seem outwardly sluggish, it is because they do not clearly see what needs to be done. At times, vile surveys circulate claiming that most Albanians are not ready to fight for Athens. In truth, only a small percentage living in a spiritual grave could give such an answer, parroting the Serbs and repeating the lesson of Belgrade’s emissaries: “You can’t even fill your own belly, yet you want a pumpkin to carry behind you.” Throughout history, we have often betrayed ourselves, and others have profited from this. Today in Prishtina, people sometimes speak of the right to self-determination under the supervision of the United Nations, sometimes of a Republic, and sometimes of a Confederation with Albania. Meanwhile, the elected parliament has never managed to convene. In Tirana, it seems that even some form of autonomy for Kosovo is accepted, within a framework that is not very clearly defined. This confusion gives the Serbs an advantage, while we lose the confidence of Europe’s chancelleries. The Albanian Right-Wing League calls for the adoption of a national platform. We demand the full right to self-determination and the definitive separation from the Serbo-Montenegrin Federation of all Albanian territories in the former Yugoslavia. We demand the full right of Albanians in Macedonia to act together. We demand the unconditional return of the property of the Çam people, forcibly expelled from Greece. These demands, dictated by today’s political reality and enshrined as inalienable rights of nationalities in all international charters, do not in any way divert us from our ultimate goal of an ethnic Albania within the ethnic Albanian borders. The Right-Wing League envisages the proper development of democracy. Social life, economic progress, the present and the future depend on the use of the free vote. Rigorous respect for voters’ will in choosing their representatives, and genuine pluralism, make democracy the system best suited to transforming people and best able to guarantee the protection of their freedoms. Therefore, the Right-Wing League places the free vote at the foundation of democracy, as the key to civic agreement and good governance. In today’s government, there is open abuse of the free vote. The Democratic Party repeats every day that it has the people’s mandate to take all the steps it considers appropriate while in government. In special circumstances, it may be easy to obtain the people’s vote, but that amounts to stealing it by feeding them promises, especially when the wishes voters express in the meantime are ignored. Most of the electorate that voted for Democracy no longer trusts the people it put in power, and is not unable to bring them to account before the elections are due. This is democracy. The Right-Wing League will enshrine in the constitution, in law and in day-to-day governance an order in which power does not interfere with individual freedoms or with collective life, democratic processes and the very workings of democracy. The first issue is the institutional form of the state. The Përmet Congress was illegal. Manipulated by the Slavo-Communists and lacking representatives duly elected by the entire people, that congress could not make decisions about the future of the state. The postwar decisions of communist institutions, meanwhile, are the doctrines of dictatorship. The people have never freely voted to choose the form of government. The Right-Wing League has declared its support for a popular referendum that will establish the foundations of the state once and for all by choosing one of three institutional forms: a parliamentary republic, a presidential republic or a monarchy. Leka Zogu is free to be present and conduct his activities during the referendum. This means true democracy and a genuine state governed by the rule of law. the external confusion, this comes from not seeing what needs to be done. At one time, they recalled lower-level surveys saying that most Albanians are not ready to fight for Ath(e)un. In reality, such a percentage may give a small answer that lives in a spiritual cemetery, but births begin precisely over there, among cemeteries and destruction. The Right-wing League raises its voice on the National Question with the unshakable conviction that it is rooted in our hearts, and if external confusion is observed, this comes from despair and from people not seeing what needs to be done. The lack of an overall strategy has had fatal consequences. Esat Toptani might have accepted an Albanian state around the Shkumbin. For the sake of his own rule, Enver Hoxha gave away Kos- today’s political reality and enshrined as inalienable rights of national groups the European framework. The Right-wing League calls on all Albanians to unite behind this overall strategy and calls on the nation’s prominent figures and MPs to work out such a platform in detail. The Right-wing League is inclined to base its policy on the national question chiefly on ties with America, Germany, Austria, Italy, and Turkey. The Right-wing League considers This is democracy. The Right League will enshrine in the constitution, in laws, and in the governance of everyday life an order in which power does not encroach upon individual freedoms, while at the same time committing itself fully to protecting those freedoms. The right to speech and the press, to meetings and protests, to confidential correspondence, the right to religious and philosophical beliefs, freedom of movement, the choice of residence and profession—everything related to the freedoms and dignity of the individual will be respected and effectively upheld by the Right League. The political problems we experience stem from the past and the democratic present, from the lack of trust in the people who came to power, and from the fact that we would be a primitive people if we held grudges and continued to nurture these hostilities after 50 years. But national reconciliation can be achieved only once the communist crimes committed during the war and the period of dictatorship have been judged under the laws of a democratic state. This is not revenge. Such sentiments are foreign to the Right League. The trial under the law of fascist and communist criminals is a process taking place throughout the free world, whereas in Albania some of those responsible for monstrous crimes have been tried, as if in mockery, only for coffee and soft drinks. National reconciliation also necessarily requires the opening of the files by a parliamentary commission.

Privatization Vouchers—a New Boomerang for the DP

Given the way the privatization process was handled, with most of the national wealth plundered through backroom privatization carried out by privatization boards, the so-called “privatization vouchers” or “papers with (no) value”—the product of a presidential decree and apparently approved by people from the PD majority in Parliament—seem to most Albanians who are to become their owners like a mockery of the sweat they shed during the 50 years of the communist regime. Also, the timing of the mechanism for devising the privatization vouchers, when the DP is going through its deepest crisis, and the lightning speed with which steps are being taken to bring them into use in the medium- and large-scale privatization process, further increase doubts about their effectiveness. Since they are put on the market, they are naturally considered goods. Yet it is clear that this kind of sale, unlike a sale of goods, requires advertising. In this respect, the state offering them has very few arguments with which to quickly convince people of their value. Moreover, now that the unpleasant experience of former political prisoners is well known—they were issued privatization papers a short time ago, with no clear alternative apparent as to what would be done with them, and began selling them for 50%, then 30%, of their value—confidence in the privatization vouchers is almost zero. On the other hand, no figures have been presented for the total value of the properties to be privatized using vouchers, or for the value assigned to each one. Since they are also put on the market, they are naturally considered goods; however, it is clear that this market likewise to be privatized using vouchers, or for the value of each one individually. Also missing is an assessment of what has been privatized behind the scenes through the privatization boards. Among other things, further necessary guidance is also missing—not only about the properties to be privatized, but also about the future course of medium- and large-scale privatization itself. In this regard, it has been said that the privatization of enterprises will take place in three stages, but no information has been provided about which enterprises will be privatized first, despite talk of their number being around 400. By not disclosing, or not knowing, the true or at least approximate value of the properties to be privatized, people are made afraid they may “get burned” by acquiring “fake” goods. Ultimately, the lack of valuation of the aforementioned properties leads to the conclusion that the value further on p. 2

The Greatest Danger

The well-known American newspaper, The New York Times, warned these days that the greatest danger to peace in Macedonia comes from Miloshevici, who continues not to recognize this state. Referring to Western observers following developments in this former Yugoslav republic,

The Greatest Danger to Peace—Milosheviç

from Milosheviçi, developments, which follow the course of events in this former Yugoslav republic, The New York Times draws attention to the fact that “war in Macedonia will be unavoidable even if Milosheviç’s repression of Albanians in Kosovo intensifies,” and adds that all the surrounding countries will also be drawn into such a war. Peace will be preserved only if the Macedonian government treats the Albanians better, the newspaper writes, pointing out that Albanians, who make up the largest ethnic community after the Macedonians, have been discriminated against for some time. The government has made some efforts to improve the position of Albanians by giving them the opportunity to watch television programs in their own language and to attend primary and secondary schools in Albanian as well. NYT

Only the return of property can solve the problems

From the speech by Prof. Dr. Mehmet Çeliku, PR deputy, delivered in Parliament on 13.04.1995 on the draft law “On Pastures and Meadows” The submission of the draft law “On Pastures and Meadows” to today’s Parliament is a belated effort by the Government and the PD, as the party in power, to establish legal ownership of pastures and meadows. Recognition of private ownership of pastures should be welcomed. Thus, the draft law addresses not only technical matters, but also social ones. This is positive. Nevertheless, there is considerable uncertainty here: how much of the pastures and meadows actually are their pastures and meadows, and how many hectares of pasture and meadow will be returned to former owners. Many have already been turned into agricultural land, many have been subdivided and consequently made unsuitable for construction, etc.; some have been degraded. In other words, there are others that cannot be returned. Secondly, even from the replies I personally heard, archival documents are missing to prove private ownership of the pastures and meadows. The pastures and meadows should be returned to their former owners, along with state-owned pastures and meadows. No one can administer them better than their lawful owner. I think the draft law does not resolve the problem of ownership in Albania: it is only a very partial solution, an attempt to solve this problem in just one area. The fairest, most reasonable, and most complete solution is to repeal the communist Land Law, precisely what the PR has been demanding for a long time. Likewise, our Parliament must not approve any [?] law concerning the [?] of land as a temporary law (as long as the land has still not been returned to its lawful owner). Private property must be returned to its lawful owner. This will solve Albania’s fundamental current problems.

How many refugees will Greece “legalize”?

No one is able to understand what is happening in relations with Greece. A large group of Albanian parliamentarians is setting off for Athens. At Kapshticë and Kakavijë, hundreds of refugees are being returned under the code name “Spring Sweep.” It is said that the cars carrying diplomats and parliamentarians have been greeted along the way by buses departing from the Athens prison near its airport. In the public media, apart from official information that is being kept confidential, no public information about the return of the refugees is allowed to be given. On April 23, Easter Day, the Albanian foreign minister is also travelling to Athens. Even before Papuliasi came to Tirana, the Greek Government organized a wave of returns; now it is doing the same thing, and this time it is going further. It will also begin, after April 23, to legalize refugees so that they can freely enter and leave across the Albanian-Greek border, but this will happen after the visit of the Albanian Sereqi. According to documents that the Greek Police have begun preparing together with Asfalia, which have also been tasked with issuing “Adhia Paramonone” (permanent residence permit), 100,000 Albanians are expected to be legalized; the others will be sent back. To be among these 100,000, there are certain conditions that must be met, beginning with the origins of one’s family line, which must certainly meet As-fallia’s approval. Nevertheless, May 1995 will clarify everything, but this time too Greece will protect Albania. The other 200,000 refugees are excluded. B. MALO

50th anniversary of the trial against the nationalists commemorated

Yesterday in Tirana Yesterday, in one of the halls of the Association of Former Political Persecutees, a meeting was held to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the “special trial” at which the first group of Albanian nationalists, military officers, and intellectuals were sentenced to death and other punishments. The opening remarks were delivered by Mr. Isa Boletini, who asked the audience to observe a minute of silence in honor of the 17 people who were executed. Afterwards, Mr. Boletini gave the floor to a group of children, who sang patriotic songs. Following this short concert, which got the hall singing along with the children, MP Pjetër Pepa spoke. He began by emphasizing that these Albanian intellectuals had been tried by a court whose namesake was Koçi Xoxe, while facing diplomats, lawyers, financiers, and generals such as Fejzi Alizoti, Mihal Zallari, Aqif Permeti, Bedri Omari, and others. In his speech, he briefly presented their activities and stressed that they stood for a free and ethnic Albania, even though they were accused of collaborating with fascism. At the end of the meeting, fellow sufferers and family members of the victims spoke.

Statement by the Committee for the Protection of the Printed Press

In keeping with its announced commitments, the Committee for the Protection of the Printed Press was received today at the Ministry of Finance and held talks with officials of the ministry. The Committee once again presented the press’s serious concerns regarding high taxes and fees. The Committee also presented a proposal to amend those articles of the tax legislation that penalize newspapers. The Committee notes with satisfaction that, as a result of discussions conducted in a spirit of goodwill and understanding on the part of the Ministry of Finance regarding the situation facing the daily press, a clear agreement has been reached within ten days. In view of the goodwill expressed at this meeting, and appreciating the willingness of the representatives of Minister Vri[o]ni, the Committee decided: - To suspend the protest announced by 14 newspapers, which were to be published tomorrow, Saturday, with blank front pages. Believing that dialogue will produce results, the Committee will seek meetings next week with all the political forces represented in Parliament, which will be invited to support our proposals for the prepared amendments. Tirana, April 14.

From the chronicles

“Today I will try to distribute the national wealth. Half of the wealth will be given to those who have truly worked to build this country. Those who contributed the most were those in positions of responsibility. They should be rewarded the most. Prisoners should not be rewarded because they have never said they want to be rewarded; therefore, even if they are given nothing, they will not be too disappointed. Former party officials, on the other hand, have said that it would be theirs forever, and so they are the ones most harmed. Where has any of this been reflected in the laws? Where? Albanians are complaining for nothing that they are being overburdened by the levies. The printed press may have the right to complain, but it has no right to that property at all. The unwritten press is being suppressed by under-taxes. Freedom of speech is not—and is not—free in the free market. Freedom of speech has nothing to do with the price of words. Words can be free even when they are expensive. When I was in America, I saw that there was no Voroeipir there. In Los Angeles there were slogans: “USA up to the Rio Grande,” “New Mexico is Mexico,” etc. They had no associations for the protection of human rights there. All beliefs were protected there, but not people. The Solidarity Fund did not spend the press’s money, but the party’s money. I would suggest that the money left after being spent by this fund be used to buy a grave in a cemetery for Chairman Mao. Zëri i Popullit has been making a profit for 500 years. All the titles were brought by the dictatorial state of . Someone came to this newspaper’s editorial office and said, “I want the money for the 5,000-year subscription.” He was crazy. He was crazy; if you have an obligation to help and he can complain to ZP, the dictatorship made him do it. We have not read. The chief judge is a professional because he was in a position to carry out some regime? of some? former? But jealousy and the enviousness of the [?] make me ask this. The Chronicler

The shadows of MAVI in Himarë Page 3 Soviet claws in Greece Page 3 Sports, crossword, advertisements, notices, etc. Page 4

The editorial staff wishes Christian believers “Happy Easter.”