Ah, if only Albania were not left until autumn!
In addition to far-reaching reforms in all spheres of the country's life, Albania's membership in important international organizations and institutions, primarily European ones, has been and remains one of the main objectives of the current policy of the Albanian state.
Successes have not been lacking in this area either; nevertheless, full membership in the Council of Europe has presented various difficulties, objective ones, but even more so subjective ones. The repeated returns from Strasbourg empty-handed, turned into a tool of political struggle, have been used by the opposition, particularly the left, to hold the government and its policy responsible for the doors of the Council of Europe not being opened.
Finally, after the first obstacle, the most important one, was overcome two months ago, it was thought that entry into the Council of Europe was now a fait accompli, merely a procedural ritual, a formality. There was no precedent for a state that had passed the first test to fail the others. In this first step toward the Council of Europe, the constructive position adopted by the opposition in this regard in recent times should also be acknowledged.
But, it seems Albania was destined for the Council of Europe to be a “Sisyphean stone” too. On the eve of the consideration of Albania's application for membership in the Council of Europe, an announcement by members of the Council's Parliamentary Assembly caused alarm. According to it, “Consideration of Albania's candidacy, included among the matters to be examined by the Assembly of the Council of Europe, could be postponed if Tirana did not meet the requirements of the Assembly's Committee on Legal Affairs.” But what are these Committee requirements that threaten to leave Albania “until autumn”?
Almost all of them concern the Albanian judicial system and the respect for human rights by the relevant Albanian authorities. Alongside the “Nano” case and the disputes between the Court of Cassation and the executive branch, the name of Ilir Hoxha has also been added. Reading the complaints of the Legal Affairs Committee, expressed by Mr. Kolumberg, one wonders: could some “repairs” have been made to avoid this committee's barrier?
As for the problems connected with the friction between the Court of Cassation and the Ministry of Justice, or the level of reform in the prosecution service and
Continued on p. 3
A country cannot be persuaded so easily to join serious organizations such as those in question. We have obligations to the electorate, which has not given us a mandate to lead the country into dubious adventures...
This is part of the reply one state gave to a serious association that had requested membership.
Nevertheless, we will take the final step and join if this is in Europe’s best interest, provided that we do not harm our own interests too much... the telegram continues.
The pilotless aircraft is a very good solution. This would also be a good solution for parliament... naturally, if America were to give us the patent...
A parliament of deputies... that would be led by a reliable person. Wouldn’t the more advanced democracies envy us?
Several more lists have been discovered that confirm the opposite of what the lists uncovered weeks ago said. These lists contain the same names. But this time these people were not on lists to be executed; rather, after the executions they were to be amnestied, the blame shifted onto someone else, and then they were to be sent to forced labor and declared quadruple agents. These lists had accidentally been saved by a devoted communist who, having no other names, had included them with the petition for the release of the former prime minister, now out on bail.