Fatos Nano remains Chairman of the Socialist Party once again, although he has been isolated in Bënçë for three years. His election as head of the PS was nevertheless predictable. Despite the major disagreements Mr. Nano had with the PS deputy chairmen, his re-election was hardly ever called into question. This was primarily because of the unquestioned authority Mr. Nano has within his party. But even if that reason did not exist, it would have been difficult to reject Mr. Nano outright, because the PS would then have been left seriously high and dry without the “Nano” issue, which it itself had trumpeted so much. Mr. Nano’s re-election was also considered normal by his fiercest opponents within the PS. Mr. Pellumbi himself thought so, since he proposed that the PS Secretary General be elected directly by the Congress. Mr. Nano will surely be consoled with subsequent co-options, which will definitely be made to the PS leadership bodies. Thus Mr. Zeneli lost, an active man, and the disputes within the PS are not over. Yesterday, the PS was confronted with accusations from the ruling party that it had not reformed. These were accusations that placed the role of the leader in the mother party and in the opposition in doubt. Mr. Pëllumbi’s move showed nothing other than his inability to defeat Mr. Nano directly in a vote. Being the only person with enough weight to face the candidacy of the imprisoned man from Tepelenë, Mr. Pëllumbi will surely have disappointed supporters of the “anti-Nano” current with his inactive stance and resignation. The latter will have left the imprisoned Chairman’s opponents without a compensating figure, making them appear increasingly weak. It is now clear that, although in prison, Mr. Nano managed to win over the overwhelming majority of the party and fulfill almost all the demands expressed in his speech and in the lists he delegated to the Congress. Thus, most of the people on the list of candidates he presented managed to win seats in the Socialist leadership bodies. Some well-known names were left out of these bodies, but in any case they had carried out their mission, which was always temporary. Mr. Nano will surely console those who lost PS leadership bodies. Thus Mr. Zeneli lost, the most active man, but also the most talked-about, both by the PS rebel leader and in Mr. Nano’s own correspondence. Meanwhile, another very well-known name, Todi Lubonja, was also left out. His failed candidacy will later be portrayed by the ruling party’s propaganda as a clear sign of a failure to reform. The very delegates who loudly demanded condemnation of the Hoxha-Alia dictatorship and the rehabilitation of those persecuted by that dictatorship did not elect Mr. Lubonja, known for his liberal ideas in the 1970s and later imprisoned and interned for a very long time. With a large majority of votes, indeed far more than Mr. Nano or Islami, Mr. Dokle, Agolli or Brace won. Known for their opposition to Mr. Nano’s theses and proposals, they and many other names managed to enter the PS leadership bodies, even more convincingly than Mr. Nano himself and his supporters. This will oblige both sides in the conflict to coexist with one another for quite some time. This means that the disagreements and divisions within the PS have not ended even after the Congress. party that it had not reformed. These accusations had been anticipated for some time. In the greeting he sent to the PS Congress, Mr. Berisha openly expressed ideas contrary to those of the Socialists themselves about reforming the party along social-democratic lines. Yesterday, at the DP National Assembly, Mr. Berisha also did not hold back from openly attacking Albania’s largest opposition party. His speech yesterday, echoed by Mr. Arbnori’s speech, heralds a tense period between the largest parties and an atmosphere of reciprocal attacks. The DP itself has described Mr. Nano’s triumph as a victory for Alia’s faction in the PS and for the former ministers once appointed by him. It is clear that, for the DP, Mr. Nano’s re-election as head of the PS is not very acceptable, given that he is in prison while the DP is in power. This means that the bells of accusations against the PS will continue to ring the same way in the future. Nevertheless, the PS Congress Continued on p. 2 SECOND CONGRESS OF THE P.S.SH. 24–25 AUGUST 1996

The Greek “Broom” operation resumes Precisely at the moment when our government is preparing to receive the Greek Foreign Minister, Pangallos, who will attend the inauguration of the new Greek consulate building in Gjirokastër, the Greek authorities have launched a merciless hunt against Albanian emigrants, thereby initiating a new operation of the “Broom” type. On the first day of this operation, more than 1,700 Albanian emigrants were arrested; in Athens alone, 750 of them were caught in police raids. During the day yesterday, 3,200 emigrants arrived at the Kakavijë and Kapshticë border crossings. They had been arrested by Greek police during its operations. Most of them had serious wounds on their bodies, as well as other signs indicating that they had been mistreated. So this year too, despite all the talk about the good relations between the two countries, the “Broom” operation is being repeated, as has become customary at this time of year. It is not known how the Albanian government will respond, but one thing is clear: Albanian emigrants in Greece are always at the mercy of the Greek authorities. Will our politicians have the courage to complain about this to Mr. Pangallos when they meet him in Vlorë or Gjirokastër?

Pali Miska and Medi Bushati will join Ramiz Alia, Simon Stefani and Hekuran Isai in the “Antigenocide No. 6” trial. The two former senior officials of the dictatorship have been under arrest since January 20, 1996, and have been investigated for crimes against humanity, the same charge faced by the 34 former senior officials of the former dictatorship who were arrested. But while Pali Miska was investigated in Bënçë prison, where they are serving their sentences, for large-scale misappropriation of state property, the accused Medi Bushati fled abroad to avoid the trial. When Judge Luan Daci assessed the security measure, the accused Miska was not taken to the remand cells in Unit 313 in Tirana because of his serious health condition; instead, it was decided that he would remain in Bënçë prison. After six months, the prosecution appears to have completed its investigation of the former first secretary, former member of the Political Bureau and Minister of Agriculture. Thus, “Antigenocide No. 6” will have more characters, perhaps also because Miska, Bushati, Stefani and Isai were the people closest to Ramiz Alia, the last president of the former dictatorship.

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