A team of doctors sets out urgently for the contaminated areas Along with the specialists, the man who identified the cholera vibrio in Kuçovë three years ago The contamination hotspot in Laç is spreading further. Thousands of people anxiously await answers Berat Hospital during the cholera outbreak three years ago On page 5

Fatos Lubonja TIRANA - “Who is in the way?” - “Who stays?” - “Who does it?” - “Who destroyed the state?” - “Have they turned us into an occupied land?” The existence of nuclei that have a tradition of remaining open and at the forefront of the cries, which point to destruction and a power that has no eyes and [unclear] and has been in place for a long time. In these twenty years, Albanians are once again facing a great question: what will they do and where will they go? On the one hand, the residue of crime within society gives Albanians the feeling of an unhealed wound; a repeated morality accompanies them, creating a sense of insecurity about the future. On the other hand, the endangerment of the interests served by this kind of state, and their punishment, bring to the fore numerous social, political and legal demands. Anyone who follows Albanian politics with concern cannot fail to notice that the politicians in power are displaying a dreadful lack of resolve in their stance toward the businesses of the Berisha era. Increasingly, the vague term “national reconciliation” is emerging from the institutions of the Presidency. Although figures such as Cela and Brokaj are often seen appearing and signing, Nano, for his part, avoids the issue, putting forward weak and unconvincing arguments that “the majority brought the PS to power.” The stance on this issue, more important than the question of the concern on which the authority of the state will be built, is a priority; inevitably, the people’s moral irresponsibility will also affect the morality of the new rulers and their ability to resolve major issues. Building a coherent policy and a system of this responsibility will ... indeed, during the final months of this year it will become even more tragic. The fact that some former political prisoners joined the Democratic Party alongside communists and became a caricature of the Sali Berisha, Ylli Vejsiu, Genc Pollo, Aleksandër Meksi type, while another part of the former political prisoners made a pact with the Socialist Party during the joint existence of the Forum for Democracy, also shows that the dividing lines between former political prisoners and persecutors have blurred considerably over these five years. The fact that former political prisoners such as Pjetër Arbnori were directly or indirectly implicated in recent crimes saddened and undermined the belief that former political prisoners were the angelic, good part of society, while former communists were the bad part. The election result, which gave the Socialist Party more than half the votes, also means that the era when political affiliations could be built on the communist past should be considered closed. Everything makes one think that, when today’s politicians speak of “national reconciliation,” they have in mind more the reconciliation Berisha referred to on March 9. It was precisely when he lost the war against the people of the south that Berisha appeared in Tirana on March 9 with the call: “Let us make ‘national reconciliation.’” But which responsible side was Berisha at that moment? His purpose in defining this was vague, implying that he identified himself with the former persecuted, but also with the North, and also with the armed DP. In reality, at that moment he represented neither the persecuted nor the people of the North, but only the armed DP and some uniformless thugs gathered in the presidential guard, who had taken up arms to stand their ground ... they were far too few to enter into conflict with the people, especially with thousands of people advancing under the political threat of signing reconciliation and calling foreign troops into Albania. We all know today that the “national reconciliation” proposed by Berisha on March 9 was simply his final attempt to weld together the divisions within the community at the moment he was drowning. Even the politicians who signed the reconciliation knew that Berisha and the DP had no moral right to represent the former persecuted. They knew very well what stance he had taken over the five years toward national reconciliation. At the beginning of 1992, Sali Berisha rejected national reconciliation: it did not suit his struggle for power. He refused even to hear about representation at the meeting held for this purpose on the initiative of a group of Albanian intellectuals, including Qosja. As soon as he took power, in the name of the struggle against former communists, Berisha retained the administration and filled it with his supporters. Always in the name of the antagonism driving his struggle, he used not only former communists against everyone else, but also turned against his own people, whom he had had in the DP until the previous day, even those who had been in prison. He pushed the antagonism so far that, when events went badly, in order to resolve the past, Hoxha’s victims were not given the status of former political prisoners. The law on genocide was another “conception” of his political struggle: on the one hand he fanned antagonism with the communists and, on the other, collaborated with every kind of communist to serve his own ends. It must be said that, knowing this position well and having seen it borne out on the ground, the opposition politicians of March agreed to cooperate with Berisha in parliament to support this reconciliation. He also undertook other actions, such as opposing the new opposition within the DP, antagonism and his actions to the point of challenging the documents and representation. But the evidence showed that the division had arisen from the absence of political freedom and human rights, and thus [unclear] to present it; on the other hand, he ends. It should this reconciliation. But the events of 1997 themselves made it clear that the contradictions between freedom and freedom of information could not be avoided. To take account of events from 1991 through June 29, they could not be considered in isolation from their positions, while those events were unfolding and still today. Meanwhile, for these six years the Albanian people were divided in two. Whoever took power in Albania did things or granted favors to those who submitted, and took revenge on those who opposed them. The people have learned from their history that failing to punish the past leaves the future unclear. That is why they do nothing but denounce the crime. They learned from the latest tragedy that when crime originates in a state that abuses itself, it also spills over [unclear]. In a society that reckons with these things, the door is opened beyond every boundary, for citizens to be abused and surrounded. The overcoming of this impasse, which requires justice, cannot happen in a democratized society; the path is determined by a just step, and certainly by institutions in place of the rule of law. A success like the one that perhaps brought the PS to power? The position on this approach seems to be one of the pillars because it is not only at risk because of the people’s concerns, but it will also demonstrate resolve major issues. Building a coherent and serious policy regarding this responsibility would strengthen state authority. Incoherence, compromises without principles, leaving it forgotten or disregarding it for political purposes will plainly degrade the authority of the state. Building a coherent policy in this regard first requires identifying the problem. For example, one approach to this problem has been expressed through the idea of national reconciliation, which is being put forward by the institution of the Presidency. However, details are missing on the questions: 1. Which parties are to be reconciled? 2. Who will represent them? The idea of extending this national reconciliation, put forward by President Mëngjari, remains somewhat unclear, since it seems to seek to distinguish two situations: the old reconciliation, described below as that of Hoxha’s regime and its terror, and the new reconciliation, between the left and the right that he devastated. But is the idea of uniting these reconciliations correctly identified, and can this idea work for others in all periods? Without knowing fully who the parties are and what the profound antagonism is, can they all be brought together in a single reconciliation? The first was an antagonism that developed over 45 years, based on an ideology that harmed two social strata, with consequences for the entire nation. The second is not at all of this scale. It is limited to the antagonism between a group of underground operatives who abused the power inherited through the ideology of patriotism and the war, and the victims of this group’s extraordinary, extensive policy. To put it briefly, the first antagonism was harder to overcome philosophically, because it was rooted in the same ideology; likewise, reconciliation would have had to be achieved by the principal perpetrators themselves, and the perpetrators are still alive. Let us also not forget something very important. Hoxha’s regime was one in which freedom was absent and information was held by two services; and freedom and information are among the conditions for accountability. Under Berisha’s regime, by contrast, people had freedom and information in abundance with which to judge, but it was proven that evil persisted, all the more so because of responsibility for governing. Thus, treating these two matters in the same chapter—as national reconciliation involving two actors—makes some sense, but is very difficult. Yet even if, according to the logic of this distinction, it makes sense to speak of reconciliation, the main thing is that national truth is missing. Although the truth about the responsibility of the judicial parties living in Albania is clear, judgment concerning the old national reconciliation is only now being established and confirmed. As for the new reconciliation, regarding events during these years under the government that came to power, it concerns the conflict between freedom of thought and freedom of information. All this shows that in our society Berisha on March 9 is fully equipped. This means that the national reconciliation being proposed is not what is needed. The conclusion is that the truth must come to light. Building a democratic republic with all its institutions, where justice is independent and has a historic mission. If the judiciary is not free and independent, there can be no law or democracy. But let us accept that justice is not represented: its establishment depends on a state prepared to be independent. In a country where justice and part of the population are free, only in the future can a true democracy be established and citizens be free. Albania must have independent and democratic institutions.

ALBANIA - NORTHERN IRELAND 1:0 TIRANA - At last Hafizi has smiled, and so have we. We have achieved our first victory in the France ’98 qualifiers. We have beaten Northern Ireland in Switzerland. We had wanted this victory so much. So many times we cursed our luck, so many times we said it was against us. But we cannot say that about it in last night’s match. A goal by Haxhi in the 69th minute gave Hafizi a smile that had been missing for a long time. We have played five matches away from home and have not earned a single point. No one has the right to criticize us, the ones who write, but those who play. This is for one simple reason: the winner is not judged. Or is judged, but when a team plays well—at least that is what the reports from Zurich said—then no one has the right to speak against it. On page 7 The national team celebrates after the winning goal (REUTERS)

Ulqini addresses PAD and PSD TIRANA - The Socialists respond, seeking to calm the allies’ concerns. “There is no reason to sound the alarm if the coalition splits,” Musa Ulqini told “Gazeta.” For the PS secretary for public relations, resolving disagreements over appointments expected to be made in local government structures requires “discussion among the local party chairmen in the coalition.” “Albania has been governed with many artificial problems,” Ulqini responded. In any case, he promises the allies that “the PS will assess this issue with the same responsibility with which it assessed it at the central-government level.”

ELBASAN

On the postponement of the aid conference

ELBASAN - Landmine accident. - Landmine accident. A soldier loses his life and an officer is injured, with a risk of paralysis. An order issued by the Ministry of Defence calls for minimizing the removal of mines from the depots at night and demining them during the day. The injured officer arrived by helicopter at the Military Hospital and was taken into intensive care. Warning signs have also been put up in lit areas. An error while dismantling the mine caused it to explode. Only moments later was the scale of the damage understood. On page 6

On the postponement of the aid conference “They are rumors. We have received no signal from our partners,” Milo replied to that part of the press which had published the news that the donor countries’ conference had been postponed indefinitely because of the political situation in Albania. “The Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs has confirmed to us that the conference will take place at the beginning of October. The foreign ministers will be attending the UN’s work at the end of September. That is the reason for the postponement,” the Foreign Ministry spokesperson also stated. Paskal Milo. On page 2

Kosovo buys it at four times the price KUKËS – Fish, the latest profitable find for the people of Kukës. Prizren has now become the most coveted market for everyone since the opening of the Morinë customs post. The latter has affected the cost of all types of fish. The highest-quality fish is sent to Prizren, where consumer demand is also satisfactory. During the months of unrest, the price of fish sold only within Albanian territory was 50 lek per kilogram. All customs centers were blocked, and so the price reduction was considerable. By now, the difference in the cost fluctuation has increased fourfold. The opening of the Morinë customs post brought about the emergence of particular groups of itinerant fish traders across the border. This is now a familiar practice among the people of Kukës. When Yugoslavia was under embargo, Albanian traders were at the height of their profits. Oil alone is described by traders in the small city of Kukës as a colossal profit, one they had never imagined. Millions of lek poured into Kukës each day. Now it is the turn of the fish raised in the waters of Fierzë. The luciperk or carp variety has proved well suited to preferences in Prizren. That is why a frenzied trade has been thriving for months. Around 500–1,000 kilograms of fish fill the trunks of cars bearing U plates—a plate that successfully “sells” throughout Prizren. Jonuz Hallaçi Lake of Kukës

SARANDË, MYSTERY SURROUNDS THE INCIDENT SARANDË – Smuggling erupts. The police are disarmed by the men escorting the valuable cargo. The incident took place yesterday in the southern city. A boat was loaded onto a vessel anchored off the coast of Sarandë and then set off toward the road to Tirana, but it was stopped at a police checkpoint. It did not have proper documents. It all began when a boat was loaded with goods—it is not yet known whether they were oil—and headed straight for the capital. Port authorities say the vessel has proper documents. Meanwhile, after taking on the cargo, the boat began to leave. It was stopped at a routine checkpoint by the police. Its documents were irregular, and the police decided not to carry out further checks, while its officers’ batons were thrown. During this time, the driver, together with the vehicle’s blockers and other people who came to their aid, attacked the police forces, taking their weapons as well, and then fled the checkpoint. The boat’s subsequent destination is still unknown, while police forces remain at the scene. The rapid-response unit has cordoned off the area, while another group is pursuing the boat. The situation is dangerous, since the individuals are armed. It is still unknown who was on the boat and where they had set out from. It is still unknown whether [they] will be among those deployed to surround it and bring the fugitives under control. According to the chief prosecutor, it is certain that it was carrying oil. Sarandë is one of the best-known smuggling points; its entire coastline remains a hub for illegal activity. The main responsibility lies with the smuggling vessels, if they are all carrying oil.