The opposition, dispirited after the magnificent season of rallies
Where are the right-wing allies?
On page 3
Either power or silence
Teodor Keko
Today’s Albanian reality, viewed across its entire spectrum, appears highly problematic (mainly because of inherited mistakes) and is like a complicated puzzle that can be solved more quickly through diverse alternatives. By now, even the bloc understands that an economy as devastated as ours, life in total decline, frightening unemployment, and a discreet international standing cannot be dealt with either by a single person or by a single political grouping. In this sense, given the role it has, the opposition has played a major role in Albania in recent years. But how is this role interpreted? How competent is our opposition in its critique? What does it say?
Unfortunately, our opposition continues to play defense, waiting for its opponent to tire and for the people to reach the end of their tether. More or less, this was the opposition to Berisha, and this is also the opposition to Nano. Today’s opposition shows us that it is still stuck in 1991–1992, in a [muted?] position, and whenever it manages to communicate with the people, rather than constructive feelings, it sows feelings of [division?].
“...put Berisha into effect ...!” Four years have passed and this idiotic philosophy continues to be the opposition’s strategy. There are plenty of similar examples.
Today’s Albanian opposition only [acts] when it organizes demonstrations in the square. But here too, what stands out is its [frenzy?], with harsh language following the banal terms “communists,” “criminals,” etc., as if we were still in Pol Pot’s Cambodia! Not a word about how the mistakes we genuinely have in abundance could be corrected. The opposition press is in a difficult state today, with a circulation far below that of the pro-government or independent press. Today’s opposition newspapers have very few authoritative bylines, standing far from their former brilliance. There are still many prominent financiers, doctors, economists, lawyers, etc. in the opposition ranks, people who have proved that they know how to work. Why don’t they speak? Because the press, too, is kept under diktat as part of the opposition’s street strategy! The opposition’s lineup does not have many first-rate actors and, judging by what is presented, one cannot imagine a future government emerging from this group. In a calm political climate, it is hard to believe that people will trust,
More or less, that was the opposition to Berisha, and such is the opposition to Nano as well. Today’s opposition is showing that it is still stuck in 1991-1992, in a position where it sometimes has no way to communicate with the people; rather than constructive sentiments, it sows anarchic feelings, which have been reflected in further damage to the Albanian economy and in making Albania’s image in the world even darker.
The opposition in Albania has several of its own “specific features.” The opposition does not change when it loses. It does not enrich the political spectrum with personalities, offer genuine alternatives, or compete; it conceives of its activity as a game of “witch-hunting,” attacking particular individuals and hurling their personal traits in their faces. Yet this entire strategy is absurd, because the opposition’s duty is to enrich the political scene with new, representative figures. But, remaining committed to the strategy of the street and backroom dealings, it is not interested in drawing in and making the Nation’s brightest minds protagonists of its ideas. Without much reflection, today’s opposition relies on several figures whom it itself expelled from the leadership when it was in power. At that point, it cannot expect the electorate to rally behind these figures, using the argument of the strongest among those gathered for this final: “I told you so.” Today’s opposition is indeed very strong in its criticism, but it offers neither a project nor an idea about how this or that could be done better. I remember when an entire council, while in opposition, told us in all seriousness: “Hey, don’t talk about alternatives, because they’ll hear them and put them into practice. So we won’t talk about them!” Even the press is held in check by diktats within the opposition’s street strategy! The opposition scene is on display, one cannot imagine a dignified one could not even believe that people would trust these people to give them a better life. On the other hand, the opposition today is being made by groups or charismatic individuals within the ruling camp! Agolli’s position, for example, should have been seized by the opposition long ago, because it has few figures ready to join its ranks.
With a weak opposition, everyone loses! The pace of development slows, the government does not work under the pressure of competition, and tomorrow we will vote for them again like cattle. That is why, especially today, a modern organization of opposition life is essential. The opposition has no reason to exist if it is not heard by the ruling camp. After all, the means and forms are for the ruling camp! The opposition should not take part in the “construction” of the Kallasë së Rofazës. It has a different purpose: “another brick in the wall”! If today’s opposition understands that it will fail so badly that, when it returns to power, it will inherit an Albania with its pants around its ankles, then, we believe, it will surely act positively in the direction of its progress. An Albania that has zero at its head (and is this also the case for Nano 4, 5, or 6?) Mayakovsky was pro-Bolshevik, but he was right when he called zero a nullity! If we made the image a little more positive, we could say, “Zero is on the throne”—a grave! Therefore, wake up, opposition brothers!
Already the opposition…